/  ^^ 


'' hC^yCuU-Ac^n^ 


^ 


J.  AUG  23  1956  '' 


CHURCH  LIFE 


-IN- 


COLONIi^L  MiJRY^ND 


-B  Y 


REV.  THEODORE  G.  GAMBRALL,  A.  M. 


GEORGE    LYCETT, 

No.  u  Lexington  Stbekt, 
1885. 


TO  MY  FRIENDS, 

THE     PARISHIONERS    OF    ST.    JAMES'    PARISH,    ANNE    ARUN- 
DEL   COUNTY,    MARYLAND, 


THIS    VOLUME    IS    AFFECTIONATELY    INSCRIBED,    IN    RECOG- 
NITION   OF    THEIR    MANY    MARKS    OF    KINDNESS 
SHOWN    THROUGH    MANY    YEARS. 

T.€.  G. 

MAY  1st,  1885. 


PREFACE. 


The  author,  in  offering  this  volume  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  public,  does  not  desire  that  it 
shall  be  looked  upon  as  a  historj"  of  the  Church 
in  Maryland  through  the  j)eriod  which  it  covers, 
but  rather  as  one  among  many  aids  to  the  writing 
of  that  history  which  is  yet  to  be.  He  is  aware 
of  the  existence  of  a  considerable  body  of  mate- 
rials which  he  has  not  been  able  to  utilize,  and 
he  has  been  made  very  conscious  through  all  his 
labor  in  this  connection,  that  both  the  engrossing- 
nature  of  his  parochial  duties  and  the  remoteness 
of  his  residence  from  all  literary  centers,  would 
render  him  unfit  for  the  ambitious  plan  of  the 
history  of  the  church  in  this  province.  The  title 
of  the  work  e.xpresses  its  object,  Churcli  Life  in 
Colonial  Marj/land  ;  for  the  writer's  purpose  has 
been,  by  the  blending  of  parochial  records  w^ith 
documentary  and  other  evidence  of  a  more  gen- 
eral character,  along  with  a  continuous  glance  at 
the  world  outside  the  colony,  to  give  as  near 
as  may  be,  both  a  peculiar  and  also  a  rela- 
tive insight  into  the  condition  of  the  Church  of 
our  fathers.  How  far  he  has  succeeded  in  this 
purpose  he  must  leave  it  to  others  to  determine. 


6  VHURVII  LIFE 

The  author  feels,  however,  that  he  has  some 
special  qualifications  for  this  work.  A  Maryland 
Churchman  by  birth,  he  is  proud  of  her  tradi- 
tions, and  proud  of  her  eminent  position.  He 
also  feels  the  heartiest  sympathy  with  that  tone 
of  Churchmanship  which  permeates  all  parts  of 
the  commonwealth,  which  had  its  origin  in  those 
days  when  the  Church  was  the  Cliurch  in  the 
minds  and  mouths  of  all,  when  dissent  was  a 
small  faction  worshipping  in  its  chapels,  and 
when  the  parson  was  the  generally  accepted 
presentation  of  Christ's  duly  ordained  minister. 
That  is  Maryland  Churchmanship ;  and  it  has 
been  fostered  and  preserved  through  all  the  older 
rural  districts  of  Maryland,  where  the  old  temples 
still  stand,  and  where  the  children  of  a  long  line 
of  fathers  still  occupy  the  soil. 

Another  qualitication  also,  he  feels  that  he  has 
in  being  the  rector  of  one  of  the  first  parishes 
in  Maryland  ;  first,  principally  because  it  was 
created  along  with  those  that  were  laid  out  under 
the  earliest  act  of  establishment ;  first,  because 
from  that  earlier  day  it  has  been  blessed,  almost 
without  exception,  with  a  long  line  of  ministers 
who  have  furthered  the  kingdom  and  done  no 
dishonor  to  their  holy  calling,  the  parish  thus 
enjoying  an  even  life  of  high  tenor  ;  first,  because 
those  who  worship  within  its  sanctuary,  love  the 
Holy  Name,  and  are  thankful  for  their  Churchly 
inheritance  ;  and  among  the  first,  because  though 
resources  have  been  severely  crippled,  and  num- 
bers sadly  reduced  by  untoward  circumstances, 
their  is  a  willingness  to  help  build  up  Zion,  to 
repair  the  waste  places,  to  make  the  desert  rejoice 
and  blossom  as  the  rose. 


IN  (JO L 0 NIA  A   MA  R  Y LA  ND.  7 

Presenting,  therefore  his  claims  for  attention, 
he  prays  tor  consideration,  and  trusts  that  the 
effect  of  his  labor  may  be  to  correct  misappre- 
hension, and  to  reveal  to  many  the  true  historical 
position  of  their  church  in  this  diocese,  fostering 
thereby  their  zeal  in  its  behalf. 


(llUIiCII  LIFE 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE    CIIUKCII    BEFORE    1692. 
INTKODUCTOKY. 

Tlie  history  of  a  parish  in  Maryland  cannot 
proi)erly  go  back  beyond  the  year  1692  when  the 
lirst  act  of  the  Coh)nial  assembly  was  passed  for 
the  establishment  of  the  church  of  England 
in  the  now  royal  province.  Still  it  would 
be  erroneous  to  suppose  that  there  had  been 
no  existence  of  the  church  in  the  colon}^ 
before.  Rather  the  evidences  are  various  that 
from  the  foundation  of  the  colony  there  had  been 
many  members  of  that  church  among  the  settlers, 
8ome  of  them  very  influential ,  while  also  in  the 
Virginia  settlement  on  Kent  Island,  which  had 
been  established  in  1629,  years  before  Lord  Balti- 
more's emigrants  had  arrived  in  the  colony,  the 
church  of  England  services  were  conducted  by  a 
duly  ordained  minister.  Lord  Baltimore's  en- 
deavors had  been  strenuous  to  secure  a  large 
body  of  colonists,  as  the  "Account"  published 
with  the  Father  White  papers  shows,  and  his  in- 
vitation was  in  no  way  limited  to  the  members  of 
his  own  church,  as  in  the  nature  of  things  it 
could  not  have  been. 


IX  COLOMAL  MARYLAND.  9 

Tlie  existence  of  this  Protestant  element  also 
soon  began  to  show  itself,  for  though  we  do  not 
have  any  early  notice  of  a  duly  established  con- 
gregation ministered  to  by  a  clergyman,  we  hnd 
Protestants  assembling  together  for  mutual  edifi- 
cation, as  in  the  case  of  the  servants  of  Corn- 
wallis  in  16::}s  ;  while  also  in  1642  we  hnd  the  small 
colony  disturbed  by  an  attempt  to  deprive  certain 
/'Protestant  Catholics''  of  the  use  of  their  chapel 
and  to  des|)oil  them  of  the  books  of  the  same,  a 
term  of  designation  which  Bozman,  the  chief 
historian  of  that  pei'iod,  thinks  can  only  mean 
members  of  the  Church  of  England.  Indeed  the 
most  recent  light  thrown  upon  the  history  of  that 
time,  that  from  the  Jesuit  P^ithers,  wdiose  records 
in  the  matter  are  now  in  hand,  shows  that  beyond 
all  question  from  the  beginning  the  Protestants 
were  in  the  majority;  the  provincial, Henry  Moore, 
writing  to  Rome  in  T642,  saying  "The  affair  was 
suri'ounded  with  many  and  tjreat  difficulties,  for 
in  leading  the  colony  to  Maryland,  by  far  the 
greater  part  was  heretics  *'  Also  we  are  told  by 
the  same  authority  that  the  assembly  which  met 
in  1638,  in  which  all  the  freemen  could  be  present 
either  personally  or  by  proxies,  "was  composed 
with  few  exceptions  of  heretics;"  of  whom  pro- 
bably the  larger  part  w^ere  of  the  Church  of 
England,  seeing  tliat  persons  of  Puritan  views  who 
would  seek  an  asylum,  would  rather  prefer  the 
northern  colonies  where  everything  was  con- 
ducted so  much  more  to  their  li^'ing.  Consistent 
only  with  this  fact  of  the  majority  of  the  colonists 
being  Protestants,  is  the  progress  of  things  from 
the  year  1648.  For  though  up  to  this  time  Lord 
Baltimore  had  consulted  his  private  preferenc'es 


10  CHURCH  LIFE 

in  choosing  members  of  his  church  for  the  offices 
of  the  colony,  yet  now  we  find  him  appointing  a 
Protestant  governor  and  a  Protestant  council, 
with  also  a  Protestant  secretary  of  State  ;  while 
also  we  find  the  embodiment  of  the  new  feature 
of  general  toleration  in  the  oath  of  office,  both  of 
the  governor  and  council,  with  particular  definite- 
ness  in  the  former  in  favor  of  Roman  Catholics; 
and  the  enactment  by  the  assembly,  on  presenta- 
tion by  the  Proprietary,  of  what  is  entitled  an 
Act  concerning  Religion  (1649)  in  which  toleration 
is  provided  for  all  believers. 

These  things  confirm  the  previous  evidence,  if 
any  confirmation  Avere  necessary.  Maryland 
continued  to  be  a  refuge  for  Roman  Catholics. 
Roman  priests,  especially  the  Jesuit  Fathers, 
continued  to  be  very  active,  many  being  sent 
over  to  the  colony  from  time  to  time,  though 
sometimes  giving  great  trouble  to  the  authorities 
from  the  extravagance  of  their  pretensions.  All 
the  way  along  through  the  whole  colonial  history 
members  of  this  church  ever  wore  a  threatening 
aspect  to  themindsof  all  Protestants,  and  jealousy 
of  them  gave  a  war  cry  that  could  excite  the 
fiercest  passions.  Their  numbers  were  always 
such  as  to  make  them  a  force  and  sometimes  a 
terror ;  and  in  the  many  risings  of  the  people 
during  the  first  fifty-five  years  of  the  colony, 
dread  of  them  was  a  largely  prevailing  cause  of 
fear. 

In  1656  one  of  Lord  Baltimore's  friends,  Ham- 
mond, writing  in  his  behalf,  states  that  at  that 
time  the  population  of  the  colony  was  composed 
of  Conformists,  non-Conformists,  and  a  few  Pa- 
pists, the  first  in  which  catalogue  being  members. 


7^V  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  11 

of  tlie  Church  of  England.  The  First  minister 
of  this  cliurcli  as  far  is  known  (not  including  the 
one  previously  settled  on  Kent  Island)  came  into 
the  colony  about  1650,  with  his  wife  and 
daughters,  and  engaged  in  ministerial  labors. 
The  evidences,  however,  are  that  he  wa^compell- 
ed  to  seek  subsistence  in  part  from  sources  other 
than  the  offerings  of  the  people,  a  fact  that  has 
always  held,  not  only  in  new  countries,  but  in 
those  where  the  population  is  sparse.  The  sup- 
port and  prosperity  of  the  church  in  rural  districts, 
have  always  been  dependent  upon  some  form  of 
endowment  or  external  aid.  Lord  Baltimore,  in 
defending  himself  from  charges  made  in  1670, 
asserted  that  the  clergy  then  in  the  province 
had  each  of  them  a  plantation,  which  probably 
they  had  entered  and  possessed  on  the  same  terms 
as  the  other  private  individuals.  For  as  yet 
there  were  no  parishes  in  existence,  and  besides, 
there  was  extreme  jealousy  felt  against  church 
or  other  corporations  acquiring  property,  and  it 
was  forbidden  without  special  license  ob- 
tained from  the  Lord  Proprietary.  The 
statute  of  Mortmain  was  made  to  bear  on  the 
matter,  the  anxiety  of  Lord  Baltimore  and 
the  colonial  authorities  being  chiefly  excited  by 
the  conduct  of  the  Jesuits  who  took  up  immense 
tracts  of  land  for  their  society,  though  it  was 
held  for  them  and  was  taken  up  in  the  name  of 
private  individuals.  They  still  hold  a  large  por- 
tion of  this  their  former  p)Ossession.  Altogether 
at  this  time  their  relations  in  the  colony  were  ex- 
ceedingly strained,  their  assumptions  of  pre- 
rogative being  very  extravagant,  even  to  the 
point  of  independence  of  lay  jurisdiction.  Their 


12  CIiriiCH  LIFE 

own  authorities  in  England  disapproved  of  their 
X)resumption,  and  Lord  Baltimore,  by  consistency 
and  resolution,  sustained  as  he  was  by  members 
of  his  own  church,  tinally  succeeded  in  maintain- 
ing his  rights  against  their  unwarrantable  en- 
croachmfiits. 

The  facilities,  however,  for  acquiring  an  estate 
in  the  province  were  so  great  that  no  one  needed 
to  suffer.  For  according  to  the  conditions  of  plan- 
tation published  by  Lord  Baltimore  in  1636,  after 
the  year  1635  one  thousand  acres  of  land  might 
be  held  for  a  yearly  rental  of  twenty  shillings, 
payable  in  the  commodities  of  the  province,  and 
fifty  acres  for  twelve  pence,  land  being  granted 
to  applicants  according  to  the  number  of  the  la- 
borers brought  into  the  colony.  Under  these 
conditions  any  minister  could  secure  for  himself 
a  personal  estate,  and  thus  be  guaranteed  a  main- 
tenance. We  are  told,  however,  of  two  endow- 
ments that  were  created  about  the  year  1676,  one 
in  Baltimore  county  and  one  in  St.  Mary's,  in  the 
latter  case  the  corporation  of  the  county  being 
made  the  custodian  of  the  fund.  The  clergy  of 
the  church  began  now  to  increase  in  numbers. 
For  in  1676,  in  the  answer  above  noted,  we  find 
Lord  Baltimore  declaring  that  there  were  four 
in  the  colony ;  a  small  number  for  the  vast 
amount  of  work  to  be  done.  How  far  these  were 
an  honor  to  the  church  or  efficacious  for  its  be- 
neficent purposes  is  a  question  ;  for  of  two  of 
those,  probably  included  in  the  four,  John  (^oode 
and  John  Yeo,  the  history  is,  that  the  former  was 
afterwards  convicted  of  atheism  and  blasphemy, 
and  that  the  latter  was,  to  say  the  least  of  him, 
.a  turbulent  man.     There  began  now  also  a  de- 


IN  VOIAtyiAL  MAUYLAM).  13 

mand  for  ministers.  In  1676  the  latter  of  tlie 
above  parties  represented  to  the  xVrchbishop  of 
Canterbury  in  the  strongest  hmguage,  the  great 
need  of  the  cok)ny  for  a  duly  provided  for  min- 
istry to  i)revent  the  falling  away  of  many  church- 
men to  Popery,  Quakerism  or  fanaticism,  and  to 
control  the  wide  spread  diM>gard  of  tlie  ordi- 
nances of  religion  and  of  the  ].ro[)rieties  of  moral- 
ity. He  describes  the  colony  as  a  Sodom  of  iin- 
cleannessand  a  x>fst  house  of  iniquity.  Nor  was 
this  the  only  demand  for  Churcli  of  England 
Clergymen.  For  in  the  year  16bf)  we  tind  Mary 
Taney,  wife  of  the  sheriff  of  Calvert  Co.,  and 
ancestress  of  the  late  Chief  Justice  of  the  United 
States,  addressing  a  letter  to  the  Arclibisho23  of 
Canterbury,  in  which  she  pleads  for  means  to 
erect  a  church  and  in  part  to  support  a  minister, 
founding  her  plea  upon  her  anxiety  for  her  own 
family's  welfare  and  that  of  her  neighbors,  dread- 
ing less  they  might  otherwise  be  condemned  to 
inhdelity  or  apostasy.  She  had  previously  peti- 
tioned Charles  the  II  for  relief,  who  had  sent 
over  a  minister,  together  with  a  number  of  Bibles 
and  other  church  books,  and  also  in  this  case  her 
petition  was  received  with  favor  and  a  clergyman 
sent  over.  Nor  were  her  anxieties  and  those  of 
Mr.  Yeo  and  others  groundless  ;  for  in  the  re- 
ports of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  through  this  period 
we  find  as  the  fruit  of  their  labors  seventy 
brought  over  to  their  church  in  1672,  in  1673 
twenty-eight,  in  1674  thirty-four,  while  there  was 
also  a  mission  carried  on  by  the  order  of  St. 
Francis. 

The  times  of  trouble  were  now,  however,  set- 
ting in  upon  the  colony,  religious  matters  being 


14  CHURCH  LIFE 

the  great  disturbing  cause.  The  ferment  that 
had  been  created  in  England  by  the  report  of  a 
Popish  j)h>t,  in  which  Titus  Gates  was  the  chief 
agitator,  and  used  by  such  men  as  the  Earl  of 
Shaftesbury  as  a  tool  for  political  ends,  spread 
also  to  the  colony,  and  under  Pendall  and  Coode 
the  "No-Popery"  cry  excited  a  revolt  in  1681. 
This  was  successfully  quelled,  but  as  the  home 
country  continued  to  be  in  a  state  of  doubt  and 
anxiety  about  the  Protestant  religion,  the  people 
not  believing  in  Charles  the  Second's  faithfulness 
to  the  Church,  and  knowing  that  his  prospective 
successor,  afterwards  James  the  Second,  was  an 
avowed  papist,  so  the  province  of  Mar^dand  was 
disturbed ;  the  more  particularly  so,  because 
Lord  Baltimore  was  a  member  of  the  Roman 
Church.  This  was  a  natural  clause  for  suspicion 
and  alarm  throughout  all  this  period  when  the 
pretensions  of  the  Roman  Church  to  the  right  of 
interfering  with  states,  were  so  much  more  avow- 
ed than  now,  and  when  temporal  rulers  could  be 
found,  under  blind  religious  zeal,  to  proceed  to 
such  extremities  as  that  of  the  Revocation  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  with  its  fearfully  ruinous  conse- 
quences ;  and  when  the  recollections  of  the  horri 
ble  excesses  of  the  thirty  years  war  had  not 
passed  from  the  memories  of  living  men,  and 
when  the  echoes  of  the  voice  of  Cromwell  were 
still  heard  amongst  the  Alps  shielding  the  hun- 
ted Waldensians  from  the  blast  of  papal  fury. 
Lord  Baltimore,  neither  Cecilias  nor  Charles,  de- 
served the  suspicion  ;  for  both  were  liberal  mind- 
ed men,  and  both  of  them  received  from  the 
Assembly  of  the  province,  testimonials  of  confi- 
dence and  esteem,  the  former  in  1671  and  1672. 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  15 

and  the  latter  in  1676,  1682  and  1688.  Still  pre- 
judices are  generally  ungovernable  and  suspicions 
incapable  of  entire  restraint,  and  the  dread  of 
popery  and  of  the  effect  of  its  teachings  Avas  in 
the  very  atmosphere  of  that  time.  In  1684  the 
Proprietary  was  ordered  to  put  all  offices  in  the 
hands  of  Prot-estants,  though  he  showed  the 
king  that  all  the  most  important  offices  were  in 
their  hands  already,  and  especially  such  offices 
as  controlled  the  military  establishment  of  the 
colony. 

In  1681  the  population  numbered  over  20,000, 
and  according  to  an  estimate  at  the  time  there 
were  thirty  Protestants  to  one  Papist,  a  dispro- 
portion that  might  be  supposed  sufficient  to  give 
assurance  to  the  majoritj^  Lord  Baltimore's 
deputies,  however,  managed,  by  some  peculiar 
gift,  to  excite  the  anxieties  of  this  body,  already 
sensitive  enough,  so  that  when  William  of 
Orange  was  rex)orted  about  to  invade  England, 
the  fear  of  the  people  was  that  Maryland  was  to 
be  placed  in  antagonism  to  this  movement,  which 
was  felt  to  be,  in  the  colony  as  well  as  in  Great 
Britain,  the  only  thing  that  could  preserve  the 
religion  and  liberties  of  the  country.  For  the 
deputies  of  Lord  Baltimore  not  only  failed  to 
proclaim  the  joint  sovereigns  when  they  were 
raised  to  the  throne,  but  previously  had  put  the 
colony  in  a  state  of  defense  by  collecting  arms 
and  other  materials  of  war,  as  if  to  resist  any  at- 
tempt that  might  be  made  to  reduce  the  province 
to  the  new  obedience.  "No  Popery'"  therefore 
again  rang  forth  as  a  cry,  an  association  was 
formed,  the  citizens  were  called  upon  to  take  up 
arms,   the  deputies  were  dispossessed   of   their 


16  CHURCH  LIFE 

authority,  a  convention  was  assembled,  and  a 
petition  and  address  justifying  their  proceedings 
were  drawn  up  and  presented  to  the  king. 

This  was  the  Protestant  Revolution  whose  ob- 
ject was,  as  stated  by  its  friends,  ''The  defense  of 
the  Protestant  Religion,  and  the  asserting  the 
right  of  king  William  and  queen  Mary  to  the 
province  of  Maryland  and  all  the  English  domin- 
ions." The  convention,  when  it  assend)led  in 
1089,  made  many  charges  against  the  manage- 
ment of  the  colony,  alleging  excessive  Jesuit  in- 
fluence over  the  officers  administering  the  gover- 
ment,  that  the  churches  were  all  appropriated 
to  the  use  of  the  Popish  idolatary,  and  that 
under  the  permission  or  connivance  of  the  gover- 
ment,  murders  and  outrages  of  all  kinds  were 
perpetrated  by  the  Papists  upon  the  Protestants. 
They  charged  an  arbitrary  exercise  of  power 
against  the  Proprietary  and  that  he  had  ignored, 
as  far  as  possible,  the  sovereignty  possessed  by 
the  crown,  allegiance  to  the  Proprietary  being 
alone  required  in  the  colony.  And  they  declared 
themselves  discharged  from  all  fidelit}"  to  the 
chief  magistrates  of  the  province  because  they 
had  endeavored  to  deprive  them  of  their  lives, 
projwrty  and  liberties,  which  they  were  bound 
to  protect. 

The  King  of  course  listened  to  all  this,  and  the 
consequence  was  that  Lord  Baltimore  was  de- 
prived of  the  functions  of  government,  of  which 
he  remained  disinherited  for  over  twenty-hve 
years,  till  1715,  and  the  colony  was  erected  into 
a  Royal  province,  with  writs  running  in  the 
King's  name,  and  the  governor  and  other  officers 
appointed  by  his  authority.     The  private  rights, 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  17 

however,  of  Lord  Baltimore  were  continued  to 
him,  together  with  his  income  from  the  land, 
whether  his  own  extensive  manors  or  the  quit- 
rents  due  him  from  the  settlers.  He  was  the 
private  owner  of  the  whole  domain.  The  pre- 
rogatives and  emoluments  of  office  he  was 
stripped  of,  the  excessive  sensitiveness  of  the. 
people  rendering  it  impolitic,  if  not  extremely 
dangeroug  to  leave  authority  in  his  hands  or  to 
force  back  upon  the  citizens  an  administration 
which  they  had  so  forcibly  disallowed.  The  year 
before  the  final  rupture  the  President  of  the 
Assembly  had  openly  drawn  a  picture  of  the 
prevailing  immorality  of  the  colony  in  respect  of 
drunkenness,  adultery.  Sabbath  breaking  and 
swearing,  that,  having  the  endorsement  of  the 
lower  house,  shows  that  Lord  Baltimore's  infiu- 
ence  in  the  administration  of  the  colony  had  not 
been  in  the  highest  degree  successful,  and  that 
radical  measures  had  now  become  necessary. 
The  establishment  afterwards  sprang  into  exist- 
ence in  answer  to  that  need  as  the  one  thing 
most  likely  to  prove  efficacious;  and  doubtless  it 
did  so  in  an  eminent  degree,  for  from  the  begin- 
ning, in  addition  to  the  silent  influence  of  the 
church,  we'  find  its  authorities  doing  all  in  their 
power  under  the  law  to  suppress  immorality. 


18  CHURCH  LIFE 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE    ESTABLISHMENT    OF    THE   CHUKCH. 

Under  the  Royal  government  of  the  colony  the 
second  act  of  the  first  assembly,  convened  in 
1692,  was  that  providing  for  the  establishment 
of  the  Church  of  England,  under  which  func- 
tions and  prerogatives  were  given  the  said 
church  endowing  it  with  great  and  exclusive 
privileges.  Nor  are  we  to  be  surprised  at  such 
a  measure;  for  the  establishment  of  the  church 
was  looked  upon  throughout  the  world  as  legiti- 
mate and  proper,  such  ideas  coming  down  un- 
questioned from  the  remotest  Christian  antiquity. 
And  even  among  the  barbarians,  as  well  as 
among  the  heathen  of  civilized  states,  it  appeared 
to  the  rulers  of  kingdoms,  with  their  gener- 
ally arbitary  power,  to  be  only  proper  that 
they  should  provide  for  the  support  of  religion, 
and  in  various  ways  control  and  direct  its  minis- 
trations. Men  had  not  yet  outgrown  this 
notion,  and  so  during  the  i)eriod  of  the  Common- 
wealth in  England  the  Presbyterian  church  was 
established,  and  in  New  England,  and  in  New 
York  after  a  manner,  as  well  as  in  Virginia  and 
the  more  southern  colonies,  establishments  were 
now  the  rule.     There  is  no  great  wonder^  there- 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  10 

fore,  that  the  colouists  in  Maryland  proceeded  to 
this  step,  in  as  much  also  as  it  appeared  to  them 
to  be  the  only  means  to  ends  they  fondly  desired, 
the  restraint  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Chnrch  and 
the  correction  and  improvement  of  the  morals  of 
the  colony.  For  one  of  the  assigned  causes  for 
their  overthrow  of  the  Proprietary's  authority 
was  the  inliuence  the  Jesuits  were  able  to  wield 
in  the  government  of  the  colony,  a  cause  for 
alarm  which  may  or  may  not  have  existed.  One 
thing  the  people  knew,  the  Roman  23riests  were 
exceedingly  energetic;  and  to  counteract  their 
influence,  on  the  one  side,  as  they  ^von  away  Pro- 
testants in  the  dearth  of  spiritual  ministration, 
and  on  the  other,  to  save  the  people  from  the 
depths  of  immorality,  into  which  from  the  same 
cause  they  were  falling,  provision  was  made 
under  law  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  inhabitants,  for  the  support  of 
a  Protestant  ministry;  and  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land was  chosen  because  it  had  the  affections 
and  loyalty  of  by  far  the  largest  part  of  the 
people  of  the  colony.  All  differences  were  sunk 
in  the  Assend^ly  under  the  sense  of  a  great  con- 
straining necessity. 

Much  has  been  said  about  tlie  ingratitude  of 
this  act  and  the  consequent  repression  of  the 
Roman  Catholics,  by  whom,  as  is  alleged,  great 
liberality  had  formerly  been  shown;  and  cer- 
tainly the  thing  is  against  all  our  present  Amer- 
ican notions.  But  the  whole  matter  of  the 
toleration  secured  in  1649,  and  what  motives 
may  have  impelled  the  then  Pro])rietary  to  lay  it 
before  the  Assembly,  are  too  fully  presented^  to 
us  now  to  justify  any  further  talk  about  Protes 


20  CHURCH  LIFE 

tant  ingratitude.  For  as  we  have  seen, 
there  is  the  best  evidence  that  the  Protestants 
were  in  a  majority  in  the  very  first  body  of  emi- 
grants, a  preponderance  in  strengtli  which  they 
always  preserved  ;  and  any  toleration  that  had 
ever  been  in  the  colony  to  this  time  had  rather 
been  by  them  than  of  them.  The  act  must  be 
looked  at  in  the  leading  question  of  how  far  an 
establishment  is  ever  justifiable.  The  Roman 
Catholics  had  been  tolerated  down  this  far  in 
Maryland  llistor^^  Consideration  for  them  was 
opposed  by  the  English  ideas  of  that  day.  They 
dared  not  have  established  their  own  church, 
even  had  they  had  the  x^ower,  or  in  any  way 
have  repressed  persons  of  the  Protestant  faith. 
Lord  Baltimore  ever  felt  the  force  cf  this,  and 
was  earnest  to  impress  upon  the  powers  at  home, 
that  Roman  Catholic  as  he  was,  and  associated 
with  the  Jesuits  as  he  was,  equal  liberties  were 
enjoyed  by  all.  A  royal  proclamation  or  an  act 
of  Parliament  could  at  any  time  have  deprived 
him  of  power  in  the  case ;  as  was  done  in  the 
days  of  Cromwell,  and  again  when  Charles  II. 
directed  him  to  put  all  offices  in  the  hands  of 
Protestants,  and  finally  when  he  was  deprived 
of  all  government  jurisdiction  at  the  time  of  the 
Protestant  Revolution.  Also  in  the  days  of 
James  II.  the  writ  of  quo  loarranto  sued  out  by 
his  royal  majesty,  made  not  only  Lord  Balti- 
more tremble,  but  the  holders  of  many  other 
charters  besides.  There  was  no  ingratitude  at 
all  in  the  case.  Neither  Lord  Baltimore  nor  his 
church  ever  had  any  joower  to  establish  their 
form  of  religion  or  to  disfranchise  other  bodies 
'  than  their  own :  and  had  they  had  the  power 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  21 

they  would  not  for  a  moment  have  dared  to 
exercise  it.  The  thunders  of  royal  wrath  and 
Parliamentary  indignation  would  have  over- 
whelmed the  attempt  in  an  instant.  There  was 
no  ingratitude  in  the  case ;  while  we  can  sympa- 
thize with  the  colonists  in  their  laying  hold  on 
the  only  available  means  of  repressing  a 
faction  whose  extravagant  pretensions  had, 
even  in  Maryland,  given  so  much  trouble  to 
Lord  Baltimore  in  the  past,  and  whose  princi- 
ples had  brought  such  trouble  and  mischief  upon 
the  world.  For  it  was  only  seven  year  before 
this  that  Louis  XIV.  had  revoked  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  which  wrought  intolerable  and  wide- 
spread ruin  upon  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
Huguenots,  depriving  them  in  many  instances  of 
life  and  in  almost  all  of  property,  and  taking 
away  rights  dearer  than  life  or  property.  It  was 
the  personal  act  of  the  king  indeed,  but  received 
the  approval  both  of  the  country  and  the  church. 
It  was  at  this  time  also  that  James  the  Second's 
conduct  manifested  all  the  qualities  that  the 
Roman  Church  might  tolerate,  violating  his 
promises  to  maintain  the  Church  of  England, 
introducing  the  rites  and  customs  of  the  Roman 
Communion,  endeavoring  to  put  places  of  trust 
and  power  in  the  hands  of  the  members  of  that 
profession,  seeking  to  ride  down  all  law  by  sus- 
pending, by  edict,  every  statute  that  might 
impede  his  will,  and  imprisoning  the  best  and 
most  exalted  men  of  the  realm  whose  faithful 
loyalty  as  citizens  and  ministers  of  the  gospel 
prevented  them  from  becoming  the  weak  and 
pliable  instruments  for  his  tyrannical  and  arbi- 
trary  purposes.      These     things   we    must    re- 


22  CHURCH  LIFE 

member  ;  nor  can  we  forget  the  great  agitation 
concerning  the  Popish  Plot,  which  though 
granted,  as  we  now  see  it,  to  have  been  a  marvel- 
ous extravagance,  still  had  some  ground  to  rest 
on,  and  was  tirmly  believed  in  by  almost  every 
one  of  that  day. 

Because  of  these  things  we  can  sympathize 
with  the  colonists  of  that  time,  and  the  more  so 
when  we  recollect  what  the  pretensions  of  the 
Roman  communion  were  in  regard  to  civil  rulers 
and  what  had  been  attempted  against  the  liber- 
ties of  England  in  the  daj^s  both  of  James  I.  and 
of  Elizabeth,  and  that  there  was  no  place  in  Eu- 
rope where  the  Roman  Church  was  in  the  ascen- 
dency, where  there  was  any  toleration  of  diver- 
gent opinions.  The  mountains  of  the  south  of 
France  were  now  ringing  with  the  cries  of  the 
Camisards,  struggling  heroically  against  fearful 
odds  for  home  and  liberty  and  life,  and  the 
brutality  of  the  house  of  Savoy,  shown  in  the 
interests  of  religion,  had  not  been  forgotten.  The 
true  picture  of  the  times  was  fearfully  vivid 
to  the  minds  of  Maryland  men  at  that  period. 
With  our  American  notions  in  this  nineteenth 
century  we  disapprove  of  establishments  alto- 
gether, and  certainlj^  such  exclusive  ones  as  that 
attempted  in  1692.  But  the  men  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  were  wise  in  their  generation. 
They  were  educated  by  the  circumstances  of 
their  day.  Only  the  times  have  changed  and 
we  are  changed  with  them. 

The  colonists,  however,  dicl  not  immediately 
succeed  in  their  attempt.  The  law  was  not  ap- 
proved by  the  home  government,  which  was  nec- 
cessary  now  for  its  linal  validity,   as  in  former 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  23 

days  tlie  approval  of  the  Proprietary  had  been 
necessary.  The  cause  of  this  non-approval  was 
that  the  king  regarded  it  as  too  exclusive  ;  for 
brought  up  with  his  liberal  Dutch  notions  he 
was  far  in  advance  of  most  persons  in  his  day. 
Again  and  again  was  the  law  enacted  with  modi- 
fications, but  as  often  rejected,  until  the  year 
1702,  when  Dr.  Bray,  the  great  friend  of  Mary- 
land, and  commissary,  having  returned  to  Eng- 
land, obtained  permission  to  have  an  acceptable 
law  drawn  up,  with  the  assurance  that  having 
been  duly  passed  by  the  colonial  Assembly  it 
should  stand  approved.  It  was  done,  and  in 
that  year  the  Church  of  England  was  finally 
established  in  Maryland.  The  great  hindrance 
all  along  had  been  the  difficulty  raised  chiefly 
by  the  Quakers,  though  the  Roman  Catholics 
also  exerted  quietly  some  influence.  The  true 
IDOsition  of  the  former  had  come  now  to  be  better 
understood,  and  the  days  of  their  persecution 
were  over  ;  so  that  the  king  confirmed  the  Mary- 
land act  with  these  words,  "Have  the  Quakers 
the  benefit  of  a  toleration  '.  Let  the  established 
church  have  an  established  maintenance."  To 
the  north  of  Maryland  there  had  been  granted 
to  William  Penn  an  extensive  tract,  on  which 
many  of  his  co-religionists  were  settled,  and  over 
which  he  had  established  a  provincial  government. 
Also  by  the  toleration  act  passed  in  England  in 
1689  the  Friends  were  granted  freedom  of  worship. 
That  they  should  oppose,  therefore,  the  act  of 
establishment  that  would  restrict  their  liberties 
was  only  natural,  especially  as  now  they  formed 
a  very  considerable  portion  of  the  population, 
reckoned   at   this    time  at   one-twelfth,    among 


24  CHURCH  LIFE 

wliom  were  included  some  of  the  most  intelligent 
and  thrifty  citizens  of  the  province.  This  is 
proven  by  various  circumstances,  as  by  the 
names  of  the  j)ersons  who  were  members  of  the 
meeting,  by  the  influence  they  exerted  with  the 
authorities,  by  their  readiness  and  boldness  in 
discussion,  and  by  their  threat  to  prosecute  any 
priest  or  magistrate  who  should  marry  any  Qua- 
ker children  without  their  parents'  or  guardians' 
consent.  This  was  done  at  a  yearly  meeting  held 
in  16S8,  and  of  itself  shows  how  secure  they  felt 
themselves  to  be.  Their  opposition  we  have  seen 
was  influential,  but  it  was  not  finally  effectual ; 
for  the  king  was  content  to  secure  for  them  the 
toleration  of  their  separate  assemblages,  while 
they  were  required,  along  with  all  other  persons, 
to  contribute  according  to  law  to  the  support  of 
the  established  church.  For  the  act  as  finally 
passed,  provided  that  the  church  of  England 
should  be  established,  and  that  for  its  support 
there  should  be  levied  annually  a  tax  of  forty 
pounds  of  tobacco  per  poll  upon  all  the  taxables 
of  the  colony;  to  be  collected  by  the  sheriff.  The 
appointment  of  ministers  to  parishes  was  to 
be  by  the  governor  without  appeal,  induction 
being  in  his  hands;  the  minister  was  to  keep  and 
provide  for  a  clerk  out  of  his  income.  Other  sec- 
tions of  the  law  regarded  marriages,  and  a  table 
declaring  who  might  marry  was  to  be  set  up  in 
the  Churches.  Only  a  minister  could  marry 
when  there  was  one  resident,  his  fee  being  five 
shillings  sterling.  The  number  of  vestrymen 
was  set  at  six  at  the  least,  two  to  be  dropped 
every  year.  By  a  subsequent  law  in  1730  the 
two  eldest  in  office  were  to  be  dropped  and  not 


7.V  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  25 

to  be  liable  again  for  three  years.  The  minister 
was  also  a  vestryman.  A  register  of  births, 
marriages  and  burials  was  to  be  kept,  and  by 
several  clauses  of  the  law  the  vestry  was  required 
to  meet  on  a  certain  day  in  each  month,  the  time 
fixed  once  for  all  ''to  prevent  surprise."'  Pro- 
vision was  made  for  the  current  expenses  of  the 
parish,  to  be  levied  by  the  county  courts.  Per- 
sons refusing  to  become  wardens  w^ere  fined  one 
thousand  pounds  of  tobacco,  to  go  to  the  king, 
a  stronger  assurance  that  the  fine  would  be 
collected.  No  minister  could  hold  more  than 
two  parishes,  nor  could  he  hold  them  without 
the  consent  of  the  vestries  of  both  and  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  ordinary.  The  vestry  had  the 
power  of  appointing  lay  readers  during  a 
vacancy,  who  were  to  take  the  oaths  with  which 
every  office  was  surrounded  in  those  days.  The 
lay  readers  received  compensation.  A  vestry- 
man could  be  removed  if  he  neglected  his  duties, 
and  parishioners  had  the  right  to  inspect  the 
vestry  books  and  to  ai)i)eal  to  the  governor  and 
council  against  vestry  acts.  By  the  tw^enty-first 
section  of  the  law  Quakers  and  other  dissenters 
were  to  have  the  benefit  of  the  toleration  act, 
while  their  places  of  worship  were  required  to 
be  reported  and  a  register  of  them  kept.  It  will 
be  observed  that  persons  refusing  to  serve  as 
wardens  were  to  be  fined,  while  there  w^as  no 
such  provision  covering  the  case  of  persons 
elected  to  the  vestry.  The  duties  of  the  wardens 
were  in  some  degree  the  more  onerous,  they 
being  conservators  of  the  peace  about  the  church. 
And  so  compulsion  in  their  case  was  felt  to  be 
necessary.     It  w^as  rather  taken  for  granted  that 


26  CHURCH  LIFE 

a  man  elected  vestryman,  wonld  serve  Decanse  of 
the  honor  of  the  office,  and  would  attend  to  his 
duties.  If  he  did  not  he  was  to  be  disgraced  by 
dismissal.  It  was  found,  however,  that  this 
law  wonld  not  work,  and  by  an  act  of  1730,  the 
vestrymen  were  also  subjected  to  line,  to  be 
recovered  by  process  before  a  Justice  of  the 
peace,  one  half  to  go  to  the  church  and  the 
other  half  to  the  informer.  Dissenters  also  were 
eligible  to  the  office  of  vestrymen,  as  was  declared 
by  order  of  the  Governor  and  Council  in  1751, 
Piscataway  parish  having  refused  to  qualify 
one  who  had  been  elected.  This  act  was  passed 
at  a  time  of  extreme  agitation  in  the  colony 
concerning  church  matters.  In  1706  provision, 
additional  to  that  in  the  law,  was  made  for  the 
protection  of  Quakers  and  other  Dissenters,  by 
the  passage  of  the  English  Act  of  Toleration; 
•though  some  think,  not  with  good  intent, 
but  because  of  the  j^ains  and  penalties  attached. 
For  the  whole  English  world  then  knew  very 
little  of  religious  liberty.  Toleration,  privilege, 
was  granted ;  though  often  more  as  a  political 
necessity  than  for  any  other  reason.  The  right 
to  say  what  persons  should  believe,  and  that 
they  should  believe  something,  was  supposed  to 
reside  in  the  powers  that  be;  and  so  Unitarians 
as  well  as  Roman  Catholics  were  excepted  from 
the  public  grace  bestowed,  a  grace  that  could  at 
any  time,  according  to  the  theory,  be  recalled. 
Toleration  proved  to  be,  however,  the  embryotic 
condition  out  of  which  has  been  developed  by 
fostering  circumstances,  the  full  grown  man  of 
religious  liberty,  at  least  in  the  Protestant  world. 
It    may  be    advisable    here    to    review  for    a 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  37 

iiumient  the  relation  of  tlie  province  of  Mary- 
land to  tile  home  country,  though  what  maybe  said 
of  Maryland  could  generally  !)e  said  of  the  other 
colonies.  A  law  of  England  was  not  binding  in 
the  colonies  unless  it  was  exj)ressly  adopted 
there,  or  unless  it  was  made  for  the  colonies,  as 
the  Navigation  Acts  were,  so  that  while  persecu- 
tion raged  in  Euiiiand  against  all  the  various 
forms  of  dissent  from  the  days  of  the  settlement 
of  jSlaryland,  and  cruel  laws  were  passed  for  the 
purpose  of  repressing  such  dissenters,  in  New- 
England,  in  New  \ork,  in  New  Jersey  and 
Pennsylvania,  and  in  Maryland,  there  were  to  be 
found  laws  in  every  way  contradictory  of  the 
English  statutes.  The  freest  asylums  were  pro- 
vided in  the  New  World  for  th(jse  who  by  the 
Test,  Conventicle  and  similar  acts,  were  debarred 
all  the  rights  of  religious  freedom.  And  so  the 
Toleration  Act  liad  to  be  passed  by  the  Assembly 
of  Maryland  before  it  could  l^ecome  a  law.  On 
the  other  hand  laws  passed  by  the  colonial  legis- 
lature had  to  be  approved  by  the  King,  or  after- 
wards V)y  the  Proprietary,  before  they  could 
become  operative,  as  was  the  case  with  the  act  of 
establishment ;  though  a  law  passed  by  the 
assembly  went  into  effe(^t  immediately  upon  its 
passage  and  was  regarded  as  Innding  until  it  was 
disapx)roved  by  the  superior  authority.  And  so 
the  act  of  1092  was  carried  out,  the  province 
laid  out  into  parishes,  (^ther  laws  passed  laying 
duties  upon  vestrymen,  ministers  settled  and 
taxes  levied  for  their  support,  years  before  the 
act  finally  became  a  law. 

Several  questions  suggest  themselves  in  regard 
to  the  act  of  1702,  (jne  of  which  is,  who  were  the 


38  CHURCH  LIFE 

persons  on  whom  the  poll  tax  was  levied  ?  A 
law  passed  in  1715  gives  us  the  ennnieration,  the 
same  providing  for  the  duties  of  the  constable  in 
making  up  the  list  under  the  law  :  All  males  and 
all  female  slaves  above  the  age  of  sixteen  years. 
An  act  of  1662,  had  fixed  the  age  for  slaves  at 
ten  years.  Also  l^y  a  law  of  1725  all  female 
mulattoes  born  of  white  women,  and  all  free 
negro  women  were  taxables  ;  the  only  exceptions 
being  beneficed  clergy,  paupers  and  aged  slaves. 
For  from  the  foundation  of  Maryland  the  negroes 
had  been  found  in  the  colony,  one  having  landed 
in  Maryland  with  the  first  settlers.  Found  also 
to  be  prohtable  in  working  the  lands  they  soon 
increased  in  numbers.  They  early  became,  how- 
ever, a  great  subject  of  agitation,  and  continued 
to  be  until  the  institution  of  slavery  ceased. 
Their  great  numbers  were  forced  upon  the  colonies 
by  the  cupidity  of  the  English  merchants  and 
government.  The  first  matter  however,  about 
which  difficulty  arose  with  them,  was  not  civil 
but  religious.  For  it  was  argued  by  some  that 
baptism  was  not  possible  for  them,  such  being 
the  position  taken  l)y  some  Quakers,  as  men- 
tioned by  the  celebrated  Thomas  Story  who  was 
present  at  a  meeting  at  AVest  River,  in  the  year 
1699  ;  the  argument  being  that  as  the  baptized 
are  made  in  the  rite  ''members  of  Christ,  child- 
ren of  God  and  inheritors  of  the  kingdom  of 
Heaven"  they  could  not  any  longer  be  detained  as 
slaves;  not  that  their  care  was  in  this  for  the 
slaves,  which  they  themselves  possessed  for  many 
years  after  this  time,  but  they  rejected  the 
baptism.  This  is  the  same  question,  it  will  be 
remembered,  St.  Paul  had  to  deal  with. 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  29 

In  consequence  of  sncli  notions,  in  some  in- 
stances tlie  negroes  were  sadly  neglected,  neither 
baptism  administered  nor  instruction  given, 
thougli  the  church  labored  hard,  as  the  Maryland 
recoi-ds  show,  through  a  long  period  to  correct 
such  false  noticms  and  to  secure  these  blessings 
to  the  slaves.  The  state  did  the  same  by  declaring 
the  fallacy  of  the  Friends'  argument,  enacting 
in  1715  the  following:  "For  as  much  as  many 
people  have  neglected  to  baptize  their  negroes  or 
to  suifer  thenr  to  be  baptized,  on  the  vague 
apprehension  that  negroes  by  receiving  the  sacra- 
ment of  baptism  are  manumitted  or  set  free ; 
be  it  hereby  further  declared  and  enacted  that 
no  negro  or  negroes  hj  receiving  the  holy  sacra- 
ment "of  baptism  is  thereby  manumitted  or  set 
free,  nor  hath  any  right  or  title  to  manumission 
more  than  he  or  they  had  liefore  ;  any  law,  usage, 
or  custom  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.'" 

A  second  question  in  regard  to  the  establish- 
ment is,  what  Avere  the  functions  of  the  vestry 
under  it '.  The  vestry  acted  for  the  state  in  the 
erection  and  care  of  church  buildings.  For  the 
churches  were  not  built  by  private  subscription, 
but  in  the  beginning,  and  at  any  subsequent 
l^eriod  when  renewal  might  be  necessary,  money 
for  the  erection  of  churches  and  also  for  their 
repair,  was  levied  upon  the  taxables  of  the 
parishes,  either  by  the  Assembly  or  the  county 
court,  as  the  case  might  be  ;  while  contracts  were 
made  by  the  vestry  with  power  to  draw  on  the 
sheriff  for  the  amount  assessed.  They  were  also 
executive  officers,  in  some  respects,  for  the 
county  court,  selling  immoral  women  and  their 
children  into  slavery  under  the  court's  decree.    It 


30  CHURCH  LIFE 

was  their  duty  also  to  aiitliorize  the  rector  and 
wardens  under  an  act  of  1694  to  publicly  admon- 
ish pei-sons  living  together  immorally,  a  form  of 
vice  terribly  prevalent  at  that  time ;  for  there 
were  ten  separate  cases  where  parties  were  pub- 
licly admonished  for  this  crime  in  August  1698 
in  St.  James'  Parish  alone.  The  vestry  also  were 
preservers  of  the  peace  within  the  limits  of  the 
Church  and  Church  yard,  in  some  cases  passing- 
regulations  directing  the  acts  of  the  wardens. 
Afterwards  other  functions  were  added  more 
truly  secular,  as  the  choosing  of  counters  to  pre- 
vent the  excessive  production  of  tobacco,  the  law 
limiting  the  amount  that  might  he  planted  to 
every  workman  on  the  i:»lace.  They  also  later 
down  in  the  colony  nominated  inspectors  of 
tobacco  for  *'he  warehouses  within  their  parishes  ; 
and  at  one  period  we  find  them  returning  officers 
for  re]3orting  persons  lial)lH  to  be  taxed  as  bache- 
lors to  meet  the  expense  incurred  in  the  French 
war. 

Their  powers  were,  however,  limited  as  com- 
jjared  with  those  of  the  vestries  of  Virginia. 
For  to  these  was  reserved  such  intluence  as  to 
promote  great  confusion;  while  in  Maryland  the 
authority  of  the  vestries  was  so  contracted  as 
that  clerical  licence  was  often  exaggerated,  pro- 
ducing jealousy  and  contention  between  pastor 
and  people.  For  the  seeing  or  imagining  evils 
which  they  were  unable  to  correct,  only  irritated 
the  laity  and  widened  immeasural^ly  the  dis- 
tance between  pastor  and  people.  For  in  Mary- 
land the  vestry  had  no  power  but  to  receive  the 
governor's  or  his  Lordship's  appointment  of  a 
rector,    and  when   he  was   settled   there  was   no 


IN  (JO LONIA  L  MA R  YLAND.  31 

legal  antliority  in  existence  to  remove  liini,  though 
we  find  the  commissary,  Mr.  Henderson,  attemp- 
ting to  discipline  certain  derelict  men.  All  power 
of  presentation  and  induction  was  reserved,  l)oth 
by  the  charter  and  the  act  of  17()2,  to  the  civil 
authority,  a  fact  that  often  excited  extreme 
indignation  on  the  part  of  the  vestries,  but  a  fact 
also  that  had  to  be  endured  ;  for  the  Proprietary 
prized  all  his  prerogatives  too  highly  to  let  one 
of  them  ever  slip  from  him.  Possibly  under  all 
the  circumstances  it  was  the  best  thing  that 
could  have  hapjjened  ;  for  under  the  restrictions 
Maryland  was  saved  from  many  things  that  befell 
the  church  in  Virginia,  chieiiy  the  last  bitter 
experience  of  the  latter  when  the  Revolutionary 
struggle  i^ut  an  end  to  both  establishments.  The 
vestries,  however,  in  Maryland  wielded  a  very 
decided  indirect  intiuence,  and  when  their  opin- 
ions were  strongly  expressed,  they  were  consid- 
ered, as  well  by  the  governor  of  the  province 
as  by  the  legislators;  and  under  the  stimulus 
afforded  by  them  the  latter  tried  to  prevent 
current  evils,  especially  in  the  clergy;  for  re2)eated 
efforts  were  made  by  the  Assemlily  to  discipline 
offenders.  Also,  when  the  vestrymen  themselves 
were  men  of  character,  which  often  they  were 
not,  they  could  hold  evil  doers  in  check.  All 
general  laws,  however,  proposed  tov  disciplining 
the  clergy  jn-oved  abortive,  even  the  best  of  the 
clergy,  who  often  grieved  over  their  offending 
brethren,  resisting  the  means  proposed  as  not  iii 
keeping  with  their  conceptions  of  the  indei)en- 
dent  position  of  ordained  men,  the  attempt 
always  being  to  create  a  court  for  trial  comj^osed 
in  part  of  laymen. 


32  CHURCH  LIFE 

As  it  will  appear  the  position  of  a  vestryman 
under  tlie  Establishment  was  different  from  what 
it  is  now.  He  was  a  man  clothed  with  functions 
and  dignities  which  are  not  now  recognized  as 
belonging  to  him.  His  eye  was  supx)osed  to  be 
everywhere,  discerning  wrong  doing  to  correct  it, 
and  so  he  was  the  custodian  of  the  morals  and 
good  order  of  society ;  and  this  he  did,  not  as  a 
grand  juror  will  do  now,  but  his  functions  were 
connected  with  the  house  of  God,  which  was 
supposed,  under  the  law,  to  embrace  under  its 
care  all  the  citizens  of  the  province,  and  so  he 
was  custodian  of  morals  as  in  the  sight  of  God. 
He  may  not  always  have  recognized  that  fact 
himself,  but  the  Establishment  was  only  a  less 
pronounced  expression  of  that  identity  of 
church  and  state  that  prevailed  in  New  England. 
The  meeting  of  the  vestry  and  wardens  monthly 
was  the  convening  of  a  spiritual  court  with  a 
good  many  secular  functions,  and  their  separa- 
tion from  "the  rest  of  the  congregation  on  Sunday 
as  they  gathered  into  their  peculiar  j^ews,  whence 
they  issued  only  to  repress  some  irregularity, 
kept  up  the  same  conception.  In  conformity 
with  this  was  a  law  of  1723,  which  forbade 
swearing  or  drunkenness  in  the  presence  of  a 
vestryman,  a  church  warden,  and  other  j^ersons 
named,  under  the  penalty  of  fine,  whipping,  or 
sitting  in  the  stocks  ("a  freeholder  or  other  rej^ut- 
able  person''  being  excepted  from  the  latter  form 
of  punishment.) 

In  addition  to  these  duties  of  the  vestry,  the 
chief  vestryman,  or  minister,  had  other  functions. 
One  of  these  was  the  granting  of  marriage  licen- 
ces, which  was  appointed  to  him  by  Gov.  Nichol- 


JN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  33 

son's  proclamation  in  1698,  For  Maryland  has 
always  thought  it  right  to  raise  a  revenue"  by  this 
means,  often  in  this  way  putting  a  bar  in  the 
path  to  matrimony.  The  aberrations,  however, 
of  legislators  are  sometimes  striking ;  for  while 
Maryland  has  always  insisted  on  a  fee  for  marry- 
ing, when  she  got  very  much  pressed  for  funds 
in  1755.  she  immediately  demanded  of  a  man  a 
fee  for  not  getting  married,  and  for  years  taxed 
the  bachelor  as  such.  Her  chief  desire  evidently 
has  always  been  not  the  man's  happiness  but  his 
money.  Another  function  of  the  chief  vestry- 
man was  the  reading  of  certain  j)enal  laws  four 
times  a  year  publicly,  such  laws  being  those  con- 
cerning swearing,  drunkenness,  and  the  violation 
of  the  Sabbath  day  by  work,  fishing,  gunning; 
and  if  he  refused  or  failed  to  do  this  he  was  fined. 
For  the  statute  books  of  Maryland  have  always 
been  marked  for  liquor  and  Sunday  laws,  and  the 
requirement  of  the  Rector  of  the  parish  to  read 
these  i^ublicly,  shows  what  the  Church  was,  the 
minister  of  the  state  for  the  Avorking  out  of  its 
own  best  condition.  We  have  seen  also  what 
the  duties  of  the  minister  and  vestry  were  in 
regard  to  the  immoral,  Avhether  married  or  un- 
married, in  the  way  of  rebuke  and  punishment. 

Altogether  the  imi3ression  left  on  the  mind 
after  reviewing  the  whole  matter,  is  that  while  as 
an  establishment,  the  church  had  many  things 
to  endure,  which  afflicted  her  intensely,  for  she 
was  often  wounded  in  the  house  of  her  friends; 
yet  that  she  was  of  immense  benefit  to  the  then 
state  of  society  in  the  colony,  that  she  was  a 
necessity  for  the  elevation  of  the  tone  and 
character    of    the    people,     that    there   was    no 


34  CHURCH  LIFE 

system  that  could  have  taken  her  place,  that 
she  wrought  great  good  for  the  perrnanent  wel- 
fare of  Maryland,  and  that  Marylanders 
perceived  this;  so  that  though  they  might  be  at 
times  spiteful  and  disposed  to  strike  heavy  blows, 
yet  that  they  instinctively  recognized  her  merits 
and  her  good  ends  achieved,  and  preserved  her 
integrity  to  the  very  last. 


/:\^  COLONIAL  MAHYLAND.  35 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  POPULATION  OF  THE  COLONY. 

Before  entering  upon  the  closer  work  of  onr 
narrative  it  will  l)e  advisable  to  take  a  glance 
at  the  general  make  up  of  the  population  of  the 
province,  for  the  reason  that  the  origin  and 
elements  of  the  population  must  have  had  a 
very  strong  influence  at  times,  if  not  all  along, 
upon  the  experience  of  the  Establishment.  For 
it  was  then  in  the  colony,  as  it  is  now  in  Eng- 
land where  the  Non-conformists  are  so  antagonis- 
tic to  the  church.  The  Esta])lisliment  was  always 
an  occasion  of  wrangling,  frequently  excessive, 
both  in  the  legislative  halls  and  also  in  private, 
at  times  the  question  rising  to  the  prominence  of 
a  great  political  agitation.  The  fact,  however, 
that  the  Establishment  continued  to  exist  down 
to  the  Revolution  proved  that  the  great  majority 
of  the  people  were  its  favorers  and  supporters. 
For  other  great  friends  it  had  none,  but  was 
rather  abused  and  oppressed  and  feared  by 
those  in  power;  and  yet  though  the  law,  as 
providing  for  its  emoluments  was  rej^eatedly 
altered,  no  hand  was  ever  laid  upon  its  life.  At- 
tempts were  made  by  indirect  means  to  annul 
the  Establishment,  as  by  declaring  that  the  law 


36  CHURCH  LIFE 

had  never  been  duly  enacted.  But  these  were 
probably  only  to  feel  the  general  pulse  and  the 
investigation  told  politicians  it  was  a  dangerous 
project. 

Lord  Baltimore's  colony  as  first  sent  out, 
consisted  of  about  two  hundred,  though  one 
authority  says  three  hundred  persons.  Among 
these  there  were  about  twenty  gentlemen  of  "good 
fashion."  These  were  probably  all  of  either 
Great  Britain  or  Ireland.  At  the  same  time 
there  was  a  settlement  upon  Kent  Island,  of 
persons  from  Virginia,  whose  number  w^as  about 
one  hundred.  This  was  the  poj)ulation  at  the 
founding  of  the  colony.  There  were  settlements 
also  on  the  Delaware  founded  by  the  Dutch; 
but  as  this  territory,  though  originally  included 
in  the  terms  of  Lord  Baltimore's  grant,  was 
afterwards  conferred  upon  another;  we  need  not 
ke€p  it  in  mind. 

It  is  interesting  also  to  observe  the  sources 
from  which  settlers  afterAvards  came.  For 
Maryland  gathered  within  its  borders  persons 
from  not  only  Gfreat  Britain  and  Ireland,  but  also 
from  the  continent,  as  France,  Holland,  Bohemia, 
Germany  and  Spain.  The  policy  on  which  Lord 
Baltimore  acted  from  the  beginning,  was  in  the 
highest  degree  judicious  and  enterprising.  His 
aim  and  endeavor  were  to  fill  his  territory  in 
the  quickest  possible  way.  This  was  different 
from  the  plan  that  controlled  some  of  the 
earlier  settlements,  for  they  were  established  as 
asylums  from  religious  persecution,  while  Mary- 
land was  established,  as  some  of  the  later 
colonies,  as  a  business  enterimse.  Cecilius, 
Lord  Baltimore,  by  whom  the  colony  was  finally 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  37 

sent  out,  remained  himself  in  England.  He 
regarded  it,  however,  as  a  safe  investment, 
and  spent  large  sums  upon  it.  He  also  put 
forth  efforts  to  send  out  settlers,  as  his  adver- 
tisement, already  referred  to,  shows,  while 
Alsop's  ''Character  of  the  Province  of  Maryland" 
written  in  1666  is  believed  to  have  been 
prompted  by  the  same  cause.  We  know  also 
in  other  ways  that  Lord  Baltimore  labored  hard 
to  this  same  end,  soliciting  and  entering  into  con- 
tract with  parties  to  bring  settlers  in.  For  this 
reason  he  pursued  the  liberal  policy  he  did, 
though  certainly  his  religions  views  compelled 
him  to  the  same;  for  a  bigoted  policy  on  his 
part  would  not  have  been  tolerated  in  the  British 
Empire  for  one  day.  It  was  doubtless  also  a 
policy  harmonious  with  his  own  enlightened 
understanding;  for  there  is  nothing  either  in  his 
words  or  actions  that  can  make  us  doubt  that. 
He  invited  all  to  come.  He  gave  all  a  share  in 
the  administration  of  the  colony  by  giving  them, 
a  seat  in  the  provincial  assembly.  He  natural- 
ized those  who  were  of  foreign  extraction,  and 
while  allowing  religious  liberty  to  all  of  what- 
ever name,  he  was  content  to  secure  by  law  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  those  of  his  own  faith. 
And  so  the  emigrants  gathered  in  from  all 
quarters.  It  was  the  day  of  emigration.  The 
Old  World  was  too  small  and  too  full.  The 
franchises  of  men  were  too  contracted.  The 
oppressed  Romanist  of  Britain  yearned  for  re- 
ligious freedom,  and  the  oppressed  Protestant, 
wliose  religion  had  developed  within  him  a 
desire  for  broader  privileges,  sought  deliverance 
from  the  surviving  remains  of  feudalism  whose 


38  CHURCH  LIFE 

spirit  was  antagonistic  to  all  political  right. 
Privilege  and  prerogative,  the  one  the  possession 
of  the  higher  classes,  and  the  other  in  scanty 
measure,  the  gift  to  all  others,  were  at  the 
foundation  of  the  old  world's  legislation.  The 
new  world's  open  doors  were  hailed  as  the  great 
refuge.  God's  intention  in  this  last  discovery- 
was  jierceived.  Maryland,  in  her  earlier  daj^s 
offering  a  freer  asylum  than  most  of  the  other 
colonies  did,  received  her  full  share  of  those 
who  were  looking  for  such  a  refuge.  Besides, 
as  the  founder's  terms  were  very  liberal,  the 
poverty  stricken  at  home  could  with  confidence 
look  forward  to  competence  within  his  domain; 
while  also  it  was  eas}^  for  any  one  that  desired 
it  to  secure  a  passage  out  by  obligating  himself 
to  lal^or  for  a  certain  period  when  he  reached  his 
destination. 

But  it  was  not  only  the  voluntary  emigrants 
that  came  into  the  colony.  There  were  others, 
as  the  Scotch  prisoners,  who,  having  taken  up 
arms  or  shown  sympathy  for  the  Pretender  in 
1715  or  1745  were  sent  out  of  the  country. 
There  was  also  another  kind  of  emigrant,  of  a 
far  more  objectionable  tyj)e,  the  convicts,  i^er- 
sons  found  guilty  of  various  felonies.  Accord- 
ing to  one  authority,  quoted  by  McMahon,  for 
thirtj^  years,  ending  in  1767,  the  average  number 
of  this  class  received  into  the  colony  and  pur- 
chased by  the  colonists  for  their  labor,  had  been 
six  hundred.  This  was  a  kind  of  emigrant  that 
the  residents  of  the  colony  of  Marjdand,  as  the 
residents  in  every  other  colony,  were  most 
unwilling  to  accept,  as  it  was  a  gross  injustice  to 
precipitate  such  a  class  in  such  numbers  upon 


IX  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  39 

them.  It  was,  however,  very  convenient  for 
the  government  at  home.  StiJl  another  body 
of  the  population  was  the  negroes  who  had 
grown  to  the  number  of  49,675  in  the  year  1761. 
This  was  not  by  natural  increase  of  course. 
The  slave  trade  had  been  fondly  nurtured  by 
the  English  government  as  one  of  its  dearest 
possessions,  and  the  provinces  also  had  looked 
ui)on  it  with  favor,  as  affording  them  a  cheap 
and  efficient  supply  of  labor.  All  the  colonies 
of  America  rejoiced  in  the  o]3portunity,  except 
as  the  cupidity  of  the  English  merchants  forced 
upon  the  market  an  excessive  supx)ly.  Kidnap- 
ping of  grown  persons  and  children  was  also 
extensively  pursued  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland 
to  supply  the  colonial  demand. 

This  was,  therefore,  the  population  of  Mary- 
land.— of  various,  and  it  might  seem,  of  heteroge- 
neous elements.  Except,  however,  in  the  case  of 
the  negroes,  the  whole  body,  convicts,  prisoners 
of  war,  foreigners  of  all  classes,  English,  Irish, 
Scotcli,  and  from  the  continental  nations  became 
amalgamated  into  a  homogeneous  body,  and  at 
the  close  of  the  colonial  period  the  whole  people 
were  found  united  in  one  aim  and  kindled  with 
one  desire.  We  would  not  of  course  expect  to 
find  the  social  condition  of  a  j)6opl<?  '"^o  consti- 
tuted very  high.  There  were  wealthy  men  and 
men  of  culture  all  the  way  through  the  whole 
colonial  period,  but  also  the  larger  body  of  the 
inhabitants  must  have  been  ignorant  and  of  a  low 
moral  standard.  We  shall  see  evidences  of  this 
latter  condition  as  we  go  on;  while  the  absence 
of  any  provision  for  instruction  in  the  beginning 
and   the   scanty   supply   throughout    the   Avhole 


40  CHURCH  LIFE 

time,  make  the  former  certain.  The  early  want, 
too,  of  churcli  ministrations,  from  the  great 
scarcity  of  Christian  ministers,  helped  to  keep 
the  moral  and  intellectual  tone  low.  For  the 
sparse  settlement  of  the  territory  made  coopera- 
tion for  clerical  suj^port  almost  impossible,  even 
if  the  people  themselves  had  had  any  longing  for 
such  ministrations;  and  the  colonial  authorities 
did  not  feel  themselves  under  obligation  to  make 
provision  in  the  case.  There  wei'e  some  ministers, 
but  very  few.  After  the  establishment  of  the 
chirrch  and  of  the  Royal  authority  in  the  colony, 
religion  and  education  both  were  provided  for, 
with  an  attempt  to  make  the  provision  sufficient. 
The  Establishment  so  far  wrought  great  good, 
and  in  the  only  jx)ssible  way,  at  this  time.  The 
opening  of  a  future,  however,  to  all  the  settlers 
who  might  have  an  ambition  to  improve  their 
condition,  was  itself  a  great  educational  influ- 
ence, with  the  result  of  devehjjDing  a  tone  and 
character  in  the  population  superior  to  that 
found  in  like  classes  in  the  home  country.  This 
sense  of  a  future  has  always  been  to  the  Ameri- 
can masses  the  profoundest  cause  of  their  social 
elevatioii 

The  make  up  of  the  colonists  in  the  matter  of 
their  religious  sentiments,  presents  as  great  a 
diversity  as  the  places  of  their  nativity  or  the 
reasons  for  their  coming  into  the  province.  As  we 
have  seen,  the  evidence  is  unquestionable  that 
the  great  majority  of  the  first  colonists  were  of 
the  Protestant  faith.  "In  leading  the  colony  to 
Maryland  by  far  the  greater  part  were  heretics," 
says  the  Jesuit  Father;  and  the  assembly  that 
met  in  1638  was  "composed  with  few  exceptions 


TN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  41 

of  heretics,' '  an  assembly,  it  will  be  recollected, 
where  all  freeholders  were  present  either  person- 
ally or  by  proxy.  This  throws  light  upon  the 
orclinance  of  the  following  year  which  secured  to 
''Holy  Church"  her  rights,  and  which,  as  now 
understood  meant  only  to  secure  the  church 
against  exactions  of  the  temporal  x^ower.  Frojn 
tile  l)eginning  these  two  classes  were  found  in 
the  colony.  And  Alsop,  writing  in  1666,  inden- 
tihes  the  heretics,  calling  tliem  by  the  now  much 
abused  title  'Trotestanf  Episcopal,"  equivalent 
to  Protestant  Catholic  used  in  the  colony  in  1642. 
"With  few  exceptions  the  colony  was  composed 
of  heretics''  so  the  Jesuit  father.  In  1681,  there 
were  thirty  Protestants  to  one  Papist,  according 
to  Chalmers;  while  in  17(H),  acc(jrding  to  Dr. 
Bray,  the  Roman  Catholics  numbered  one  twelfth^ 
the  same  ratio  that  is  given  for  the  year  1754. 

The  Protestants,  however,  presented  a  solid 
front  only  to  the  Roman  Catholics.  They  were 
greatly  divided  among  themselves,  Maryland 
being  by  its  liberal  government  a  haven  of  rest 
to  many  that  were  persecuted  and  driven  out 
from  the  other  provinces  as  well  as  from  the 
countries  beyond  the  sea.  Among  the  first  of 
such  persons  to  come  in  were  the  Puritans,  who, 
having  been  ordered  to  leave  Virginia  where 
they  had  been  settled  for  some  years,  took  up 
their  residence  at  the  mouth  of  the  Severn. 
Virginia  and  Massachusetts  were  at  this  time 
acting  as  twin  sisters  in  repression,  only  with 
contradictory  antagonisms,  Virginia  abominating 
the  Puritans  as  much  as  Massachusetts  abomina- 
ted all  those  who  in  any  way  disagreed  with  its 
own  church  principles.      It  was  the  time  when 


43  CHURCH  LIFE 

Puritanism  was  triumpliant  in  England,  when 
Presbyterianisffi  followed  the  Anglican  church 
in  being  driven  from  authority,  when  Indepen- 
dency was  supreme.  Virginia  had  not  hesitated 
on  this  account,  but  comiDelled  the  withdrawal  of 
the  CO  religionists  of  Cromwell  and  his  army. 
They  entered  the  province  in  the  year  1649,  and 
for  some  years  took  an  active  part  in  and 
fomented  the  disturbances  of  the  period,  defying 
the  authority  of  Lord  Baltimore  and  refusing  to 
take  the  oaths  which  had  been  imp(jsed  as  a 
condition  of  plantation.  Afterwards  they  quieted 
down,  and  probably  in  the  great  changes  which 
took  place  in  that  part  of  the  colony  when  the 
capital  was  removed  thither,  became  absorbed  in 
large  measure  in  the  church. 

Another  class  that  entered  the  colony  in  its 
earlier  days  were  the  Quakers,  whose  presence 
is  first  determined  in  the  year  1657.  The  first 
appearance,  however,  was  of  persons  rather  bent 
on  missionary  enterprise,  travelling  members 
acting  in  that  proselyting  spirit  that  has  always 
more  or  less  distinguished  their  society  until 
more  recent  years.  Nor  were  their  endeavors 
without  success  ;  for  we  see  that  they  were  soon 
able  to  establish  their  meetings  on  both  shores  of 
the  Chesapeake.  In  1672  George  Fox,  the 
founder  of  the  sect,  attended  a  meeting  at  West 
River  which  he  describes  as  large  and  which 
lasted  four  days.  Members  of  course  came  in 
from  abroad  as  new  colonists,  to  a  place  where 
unusual  consideration  was  sliowm  them ;  but 
many  converts  were  made  in  Maryland ;  one 
reason  for  which  probably  was  the  fact  above 
noted,  the  difficulty  the  settlers  had  in  a  sparsely 


IN  COL  OKI  A  L  MA  R  YLAND.  43 

settled  country  to  provide  bj^  voluntary 
contributions  for  the  support  of  ministers.  Often 
for  long  periods  there  were  no  opportunities 
offered  for  public  worship,  a  blessing  ver}'  many 
of  the  people  yearned  for,  and  the  opening  of  a 
Friend's  meeting  was  the  best  possil)le  provision 
under  the  circumstances.  The  children  were  not 
baptized,  holy  communion  was  not  administsred, 
the  Word  was  not  preached.  Quakerism  came  in 
with  its  negations  in  regard  to  this  whole  work 
of  the  ministry,  and,  a  new  thing,  it  commanded 
a  large  amount  of  attention.  Besides,  those  who 
represented  the  new  sect  must  have  been  men  of 
force  who  would  constrain  attention.  Certainly 
they  were  very  sincere  and  devotedly  in  earnest. 
They  were  willing  and  did  endure  all  things. 
Many  of  them  suffered  even  unto  death,  though 
not  in  Marj^land.  Here  some  attempts  were 
made  to  rej^ress  them,  but  they  soon  got  influence 
and  as  early  as  1677  some  of  them  appear  to  have 
been  members  of  the  Assembly.  They  largely, 
also,  increased  in  numbers,  so  that  in  the  year 
1700,  when  the  population  of  the  colony  was 
probably  twenty-hve  thousand,  they  numbered 
about  one-twelfth.  In  subsequent  days  the  law 
took  pains  to  protect  them,  as  from  the  presence 
of  disorderly  men  at  their  yearly  meetings,  while 
already  such  adaptation  of  the  laws  as  was 
necessary  in  what  they  esteemed  matters  of 
moment,  as  keeping  the  head  covered,  or  affirm- 
ing instead  of  swearing  in  the  courts,  had  been 
made. 

It  is  a  notable  thing,  however,  in  Maryland 
history  that  where  at  one  time  the  Quakers 
abounded   and   had    flourishing   meetings,    now 


44  CHURCH  LIFE 

they  are  not  found  at  all.  This  is  the  fact  in 
various  places,  but  West  River  j^resents  a  very- 
marked  instance.  Here  the  old  burying  ground 
is  found,  and  here  are  the  families  whose 
names  adorn  the  old  records,  but  there  is  not  a 
Friend  anywhere  in  the  whole  region.  Farther 
^x\)  the  country  there  Is  an  old  meeting  house 
standing,  but  only  as  a  deserted  relic  of  the  past; 
and  farther  down  the  country  the  site  is  pointed 
out  of  another  house.  The  cause  of  the  disaj)- 
pearance  of  the  membership  is  to  be  found,  of 
course,  in  some  social  change  that  has  affected 
the  body  in  times  gone  by  ;  for  in  other  regions 
the  disciples  of  Fox  have  shown  sufficient 
tenacity  of  life.  The  great  Hicksite-schism  may 
have  unhinged  the  views  of  some  ;  but  the  great 
probable  cause  that  undermined  this  ecclesias- 
tical fabric  was  the  antagonism  to  slavery,  which 
became  in  the  last  half  of  the  eighteenth  century 
so  strong  a  sentiment  with  the  Friends,  that  to 
hold  slaves  debarred  persons  from  continuing 
members  of  the  society.  This  final  resolution  we 
are  told,  encountered  serious  opposition  from 
many  members,  most  ]Di'obably  those  who  lived 
in  that  section  of  the  country  where  slavery 
continued  to  be  the  chief  dependence  for  labor ; 
and  consequently  the  question  being  presented 
of  abandoning  their  farms  or  abandoning  their 
meeting,  many  were  found  who  could  not  see 
the  heinousness  of  "the  ancient  institution  which 
even  the  Quaker  principles  had  always  allowed 
to  this  time.  And  so  it  was  as  the  years  passed 
on  they  lost  their  former  reverence  for  the 
peculiarities  of  their  persuasion,  and  by  degrees 
conformed  to  the  doctrines  and  practices  of  the 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  45 

2)eople  among  whom  they  lived.  This  is  the 
most  probable  conjecture,  and  is  fortitied  by  still 
existing  tradition. 

Another  sect  that  settled  in  Maryland  about 
the  year  1680,  was  a  company  of  Labadists,  a 
body  that  lived  on  communal  principles.  They 
were  few  in  number,  and  were  in  various  ways 
attractive,  but  though  ambitious  of  x^roselytes, 
they  gained  but  few.  Their  existence,  however, 
was  short-lived  in  Maryland.  They  came  from 
Friesland,  founded  by  Labadie,  formerly  a  priest 
of  the  Roman  Communion,  a  Frenchman  who 
settled  in  Holland.  Their  views  and  practices 
were  in  many  ways  peculiar. 

Of  course  there  were  in  addition  to  these  all 
the  various  forms  of  dissent  from  the  Established 
church.  For  toleration,  though  for  a  short  while 
in  a  measure  denied,  soon  was  allowed  most 
fully,  the  Roman  Catholics,  also,  having  all 
religious  privileges,  though  denied  equal 
political  rights.  These  other  sects,  however, 
did  not  come  in  with  demonstration,  but  were 
content  to  enjoy  and  rejoice  in  the  liberty  which 
in  some  cases  they  were  denied  at  home.  The 
Scotch  brought  over  their  Presbyterian  affilia- 
tions, the  Germans  their  Lutheran  organization, 
while  from  incidental  remarks  we  knoAv  that  in 
the  earlier  period,  and  probably  all  the  way  along, 
there  were  Jews  as  well  as  other  unbelievers  in 
the  province.  The  composite  character  of  the 
religious  proclivities  of  the  people  was  brought 
out  in  the  year  1760,  when  Boston  having  suffered 
very  greatly  by  lire,  the  Governor  of  Maryland 
called  on  the  citizens  of  the  province  to  contrilmte 
for  the  relief  of  the  sufferers.      The  resj^onse  was 


46  CHURCH  LIFE 

liberal,  one  tliousand,  eight  liundrecl  and  tliirty- 
nine  pounds,  given  approximately  as  follows : 
by  tlie  Established  Church,  fifteen  hundred  and 
three  pounds,  by  the  Quakers  one  hundred  and 
thirty-four  pounds,  by  the  Presbyterians  one 
hundred  and  seven,  by  the  Roman  Catholics 
seventy-six,  by  the  Baptists  seven,  by  the 
Dunkers  six,  by  the  Lutherans  five.  These  items 
are  interesting  as  showing  not  only  the  religious 
denominations  within  the  province,  but  also  in 
some  degree  they  may  be  supposed  to  indicate 
their  relative  nunil)ers.  Doing  so,  they  show, 
also,  why  the  establishment  continued  to  be, 
notwithstanding  a  large  amount  of  wrangling  and 
dispute  from  time  to  time,  an  accepted  institu- 
tion to  the  close  of  the  colonial  days.  It 
contained  within  it  the  great  body  of  the  people, 
and  it  embraced  the  great  influential  class  that 
by  its  intelligence  swayed  the  legislature  and  by 
its  wealth  supported  the  government.  It  takes 
but  a  few  men  to  begin  an  agitation  and  those 
few  may  be  controlled  by  unworthy  reasons, 
which  they  may  be  loth  to  make  known  to  the 
world.  An  institution  is  fixed  in  a  community 
because  it  rests  upon  the  fixed  sentiment 
of  the  great  mass  of  the  people  and  loresents 
to  their  heart  and  mind  strong  reasons  for  its 
existence.  Nothing  else  than  this  can  account 
for  the  solidity  of  the  establishment  amidst  all 
kinds  of  agitation  that  raged  around  it  and  in  it 
through  the  whole  period  of  its  existence  and 
the  gracious  farewell  that  was  extended  to  it  at 
last,  and  the  quasi  recognition  of  its  principle 
that  was  contained  in  the  Bible  of  Rights.  The 
establishment  was  always  supported  by  the  best 


I 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  47 

sentiment   and  willingly  sustained    by  the    pre- 
pondering  wealth  of  the  people. 


48  CHURCH  LIFE 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE   CARRYING   OUT    OF   THE   ACT   OF 
ESTABLISHMENT. 

The  Act  of  Establisliment  though  j)assed  in 
May  1692  was  not  carried  out  till  January  1694 
or  rather  1695,  according  to  our  present  division 
of  the  year,  and  that  for  the  reason,  apparently, 
that  Gov.  Copley,  who  was  the  first  governor  of 
the  now  Royal  Province,  did  not  feel  any  strong 
interest  in  the  matter,  with  enough  of  other 
things  during  his  brief  administration,  to  engross 
his  attention.  He  was  succeeded  by  Gov.  Nich- 
olson, who  reached  the  colony  in  1694,  and  at 
once  by  his  vigor  the  law  was  carried  into  effect, 
and  the  territory  laid  out  into  parishes.  Gov. 
Nicholson  was  to  the  province  of  Maryland  in 
the  highest  degree  a  blessing  during  the  period 
of  about  four  years  which  he  continued  in  it. 
No  man  of  that  time,  may  be,  has  been  more 
severely  criticised  by  our  historians  than  he, 
though  often  it  would  seem  with  a  kind  of  mock 
liberality  of  political  sentiment.  In  fact,  fre- 
quently in  reading  their  denunciations  of  the  men 
and  measures  of  those  times  there  appears  a  want 
of  true   appreciation   of  the  times  in  which  the 


I^' COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  49 

objects  of  their  abomination  lived  and  labored 
There  is  no  sense  in  judging  a  man  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  by  laws  that  have  grown  out  of 
the  advancement  that  has  taken  place  since  the 
>pventeenth  century.     What  would  be  an  arbi- 
trary measure  now  would  not  have  l^een  an  arbi- 
trary nieasure  then.     What  would  be  a  lofty  and 
imperious  manner  now  in  the  case  of  some  public 
pr()test,  m  the   midst  of  a  people  all  of  whose 
oincers  are  of  their  own  choosing,  passing  minis- 
ters of  their  will,  would  not  have  been  a  lofty 
and  imperious  manner  in  the  days  when  kino-s 
ruled,    and   when    the    limits    of Vonstitutiona] 
aiithority  were  indehnitely  understood  both  by 
kings  and  people.    So,  to  read  such  strictures  now, 
as   we   sometimes  find   our  nineteenth    century 
historians  indulging  in,  rather  jDalls  upon  the  ear, 
and  It  l)econies  our  desire  to  leave  their  judgments 
and  ascertain  their  facts.     Governor  'Nidiolson 
seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  hasty  t^mppr  and 
impatient  of  restraint.     He  seems  also  to  have 
had    the    unfortunate  faculty   of    pursuing  any 
object  of    his    antipathy   relentlessly.     At   the 
same  time,  while  it  is  the  fashion  now  to  say 
hard  things  of  him,  very  pleasant  thiniis  were 
said  of  him  while  he  was  governor  of  Maryland 
as  the  council  proceedings  show,  things  highly 
commendatory  of  his  course;  the  final  testimon- 
ial of  this  nature  being  given  in  1698  when  his 
authority    m     Maryland    ceased.     In    Virginia, 
also,  he  was  very  popular,  a  handsome  donation,' 
as  a  testimonial,  having  been  voted  him.  thouah 
It    is    true    he   was    not   there   uninterruptecfly 
popular.       Years     afterwards,     also,    when     he 
became  governor  of  South  Carolina,  he  was  held 


k 


50  CHURCH  LIFE 

in   high   favor,   and   in   such   completed  a  long 
political  association  with  the  colonies. 

This  was  the  man  that  without  any  special 
appointment  for  this  reason,  became  the  patron 
of  the  cause  of  the  Church  in  Maryland  under 
the  recently  enacted  law;  and  coming  into  power 
he  immediately  set  about  establishing  the 
church's  influence.  Regarding  the  law  as  going 
into  effect  upon  its  jiassage,  as  it  did,  he  caused 
the  accumulated  tax  to  be  used  in  building 
churches,  while  also  he  had  the  gratification  of 
being  able  to  induct  eight  ministers  into  Cures. 
Some  of  these,  it  appears,  had  accompanied  him 
to  the  colony.  His  influence,  also,  made  the 
establishment  very  popular  as  far  as  his  influ- 
ence was  needed;  and  we  are  informed  "the 
chui'ches  were  crowded  as  full  as  they  could 
hold."  This,  as  already  surmised,  was  not  cmly 
because  the  governor  favored  the  church  and 
clergy,  but  probably  also  because  it  was  the  first 
opportunity  furnished  for  the  general  assem- 
bling of  the  people  in  protestant  places  of 
worship;  and  there  was  a  strong  yearning  at  that 
time  to  worship  God  under  the  ministrations  of 
a  protestant  ministry.  The  antagonism  of  the 
whole  protestant  body  to  the  Roman  Church, 
with  which  sentiment  the  air  was  charged,  both 
in  England  and  America,  made  even  dissenters 
glad  to  embrace  the  establishment  as  a  strongly 
felt  want.  Probably  never  at  any  time,  either 
in  lEngland  or  in  the  colony,  was  there  a  nearer 
approach  to  an  accommodation  on  the  part  of 
dissenters  and  churchmen  than  now.  This  had 
been  brought  about  by  the  common  uprising  of 
all  classes   against  the  perfidious  but  plausible 


I 


/.y  COL  ON  I A  L  MA  R  YLA  ND.  51 

designs  of  James  II.  Both  the  Act  of  Toleration 
and  the  prox^osed  Act  of  Comprehension  testify- 
to  this.  Gov.  Nicholson  did  all  he  could  to 
make  the  Church  of  England  acceptable  to  the 
whole  body  of  the  people,  and  he  so  far  suc- 
ceeded as  that  opposition  to  it  was  not  found 
among  the  non-conformists  in  general,  but  only 
among  the  widely  separated  bodies,  the  Quaker 
and  Roman  Catholics. 

Another  subject  which  early  excited  his 
interest  was  that  of  education.  Before  coming 
into  Mary^land,  while  Lieutenant  Governor  of 
Virginia,  he  had  secured  the  estal)lishment  of 
the  College  of  William  and  Mary,  and  while  he 
did  not  attempt  so  elaborate  an  enterprise  in 
Maryland  his  aim  was  to  provide  free  schools 
throughout  the  province.  In  1696  the  attempt 
was  repeated  in  an  act  petitioning  the  king  for 
liberty  to  establish  a  school  in  every  county. 
The  idea  Avas,  that  such  schools  should  be 
feeders  to  William  and  Mary  College.  The 
attempt  was  in  a  measure  successful  and  various 
schools  were  opened.  It  is  highly  i^robable  thai 
such  a  system  was  supplemented  by  parocliial 
schools  conducted  by  the  clergy.  There  is 
frequent  evidence  of  this  given;  though  with 
both  opportunities  the  standard  of  education  in 
the  province  must  have  been  low.  There  were 
always  some  men  of  high  attainments,  among 
them  a  small  number  who  had  been  sent  to 
Euroi:)e  to  complete  thetr  training.  The  mass 
of  the  people,  however,  had  neither  the  appre- 
ciation nor  the  leisure  to  attain  more  than  the 
rudiments. 

Besides    Governoi-  Nicholson.    Maryland   was 


o2  CHURCH  LIFE 

also  extremely  fortunate  at  the  same  time  in  the 
possession  of  another  eminent  man  in  the 
administration  of  her  affairs.  This  was  the  Rev, 
Dr.  Bray  who  for  some  years  acted  as  commissary, 
a  church  officer  whose  duty  was  to  have  supervis- 
ion of  the  clergy  and  a  certain  oversight  in  the 
regulation  of  church  matters.  It  is  difficult  to- 
speak  very  clearly  about  his  influence,  because 
the  office  was  at  liest  l^ut  a  passing  adaption  to 
passing  need.  He  possessed  none  of  the  |)Oweri 
of  the  episcopate.  He  was  only  the  Bishop' 
representative  for  supervision  to  lake  cognizance 
of  cases,  to  warn  the  unruly.  In  Dr.  Bray's  case 
the  office  was  highly  respected.  Afterwards, 
however,  when  it  came  into  other  hands,  and 
jealousies  were  excited,  it  is  questi(»nable  whether 
often  it  did  not  do  more  harm  than  good. 
Pretensions  were  put  forth  on  the  one  side  and  a 
grasping  after  authority,  which  were  resisted 
with  violence  and  virulence.  Dr.  Bray  occupied 
a  relatively  higher  position  than  any  one  that 
succeeded  him  did.  He  was  in  the  colony  Init  a 
short  time.  Efforts  were  often  made  by  the 
clergy,  sometimes  jointly  with  the  civil  authority, 
to  secure  the  residence  of  a  Bisho]!.  Even  at 
this  earl}'-  date  such  an  effort  was  made.  The 
Bishop  of  London  was  ordinary  for  the  colonies,' 
though  this  title  was  sometimes  given  to  the 
Governor  of  Maryland  ;  but  of  course  the  benefit 
of  such  an  arrangement  was  small  compared 
with  the  influence  a  Bishop  on  the  spot  might 
exercise.  Discipline  was  always  at  fault,  and 
incalculable  harm  was  often  done  by  unworthy 
ministers.  Ordination  to  the  holy  ministry 
could  only  be  obtained  by  crossing  the  sea,  and 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  5:! 

SO  the  supply  was  kept  down.  Dependence  was 
altogether  upon  clergymen  from  Great  Britain, 
many  of  whom  left  their  country  for  their 
country's  good.  Confirmation  of  course  could 
never  be  administered. 

To  obtain  a  Bishop,  however,  was  impossible 
in  the  then  state  of  things,  and  so  as  the  next 
best  thing  a  commissary  was  chosen  and  sent  out. 
This  was  done  at  the  solicitation  of  the  clergy, 
who  desired  that  the  officer  sent  might  be 
"  capacitated  to  redress  what  is  amiss  and  supply 
what  is  wanting* in  the  church."  There  was  no 
law  of  the  colony  providing  for  such  an  officer, 
neither  had  regulation  been  made  for  his 
support  or  for  his  authority  over  the  person  of 
the  citizens,  whether  clerical  or  lay  ;  questions 
that  were  to  excite  in  the  coming  days  a  great 
deal  of  discussion  and  bitterness.  Dr.  Bray  was 
readily  fixed  upon  for  the  office,  having  by  his 
writings  had  the  attention  of  Dr.  Compton 
called  to  himself,  and  in  1696  he  was  chosen.  He 
did  not  immediately,  however,  go  over  to  his 
province,  but  remained  in  England  till  the  close 
of  1699,  reaching  the  colony  early  in  the  next  year. 
It  was  the  peculiarly  good  fortune  of  Maryland 
to  have  had  at  the  same  time  two  such  ardent 
friends  laboring  for  her.  Governor  Nicholson  in 
immediate  administration  of  her  civil  affairs  and 
Dr.  Bray  using  all  his  endeavors  to  forward  her 
best  religious  interests.  For  the  latter  was 
indefatigable  in  his  efforts  to  provide  for  his 
jurisdictions  not  only  ministers  to  whom  he 
offered  many  worthy  inducements,  but  also 
parish  liln-aries  of  the  best  works  of  the  day  for 
Lthe  information  of  the  clergy,  and  through  them 


54  CHURCH  LIFE 

of  tlie  people.  He  regarded  this  as  one  of  the 
best  things  he  could  accomplish.  For  many  of  the 
clergy  of  the  time,  though  duly  ordained, 
were  greatly  wanting  in  training,  so  that  a 
subsequent  governor  expressed  his  surprise  how 
such  unprepared  men  could  ever  have  entered 
the  ministry.  The  hope  of  a  supply  of  ministers 
at  all  was,  of  course,  chiefly  from  the  jjoorer  of 
the  home  clergy.  Only  such  could  in  any  num- 
bers be  expected  to  brave  the  difficulties  of  the 
long  sea  voyage  with  its  attendant  risks  in  those 
days, .  and  to  undergo  the  unknown  trials  of  a 
colonial  life.  So  he  felt  parish  libraries  to  be  a 
great  necessity,  and  succeeded  in  establishing 
about  thirty  in  Maryland,  with  others  in  other 
parts  of  America,  as  well  as  some  also  in  England. 
We  at  this  day  can  hardly  appreciate  the  need 
there  was  of  such  provision  at  that  time.  A 
home  far  away  from  the  centre  of  publication, 
the  price  of  books  high,  the  salary  of  the  clerg}" 
small  as  a  rule,  with  nothing  like  our  current 
literature,  which  whatever  may  be  said  of  its 
value,  at  anj^  rate  gives  the  mind  some  exercise, 
an  uneducated  people  whose  demands  u})on  the 
clergy  were  not  stimulating,  constituted  a  crowd 
of  obstacles  enough  to  reduce  the  standard  of 
clerical  attainment  to  the  smallest.  Dr.  Bray 
endeavored  in  his  capacity  of  commissary,  to 
provide  relief  for  this,  and  made  personal  solici- 
tations to  the  wealthy.  Where  he  found  an  un- 
willingness to  contribute  for  the  use  of  the  colo- 
ny he  endeavored  to  secure  something  for  feebler 
parishes  at  home.  The  libraries  sent  out  differedj 
very  greatly  in  numbers,  that  of  St.  Ann's  par: 
ish,  Annapolis,  having  a  thousand  and  ninety-five 


IX  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  55 

volumes.  They  were  committed  to  the  care  of 
the  rector,  being  intended  for  his  nse,  who  was 
bound  to  see  that  the  books  were  preserved. 
Most  of  these  collections  have  long  since  been 
scattered,  but  from  time  to  time  a  separate  book 
is  picked  up  in  some  old  parish.  St.  John's  col- 
lege, Annapolis,  has  quite  a  number  of  them  in 
its  keeping.  The  disorder  into  which  everything 
fell  during  the  Revolution  and  subsequently, 
was  the  cause  of  the  loss.  They  would  hardly, 
however,  even  if  they  were  still  in  existence, 
X)ossess  more  than  an  antiquarian  interest. 

Dr.  Bray's  efforts  to  secure  clergy  for  the  par- 
ishes, were  so  far  successful  that  when  he  came 
into  the  colony  he  found,  including  such  as  came 
with  him,  seventeen.  These  all  came  expecting 
to  be  sux^ported  by  the  provision  made  for  them 
in  the  province,  that  is,  by  the  Act  of  Establish- 
ment. For  though  Missionaries  were  sent  out  by 
the  great  English  Society  for  Propagating  the 
gospel,  to  other  parts  of  America,  yet  Maryland 
was  supposed  to  be  able  to  take  care  of  itself. 
That  Society  was  indeed  the  child  of  Dr.  Bray's 
own  heart  and  mind  in  a  most  eminent  degree. 
Its  field,  however,  w^as  in  other  parts  of  America. 
Yet  Maryland  did  not  make  any  abundant  pro- 
vision. Each  parish  was  to  take  care  of  its  own 
rector,  and  consequently  there  was  a  great  differ- 
ence in  the  value  of  the  livings.  The  supposi- 
tion was  that  the  average  sum  for  a  living  would 
be  about  one  hundred  pounds  sterling,  but  ac- 
tually the  income  in  some  places  was  not  more  than 
a  quarter  of  that.  The  chief  cause  of  this  differ- 
ence was  the  varying  character  of  the  population, 
some  sections  of  the  colony  being  far  more  thick- 


5()  (JHURGH  LIFE 

ly  settled  tlian  others.  An  attempt  was  made  in 
the  beginning  to  compensate  for  this  by  making 
the  parishes  in  the  thinly  settled  portions  much 
larger,  a  means  that  later  produced  sometimes 
irritating  and  painful  results,  while  in  the  begin- 
ning it  made  the  labors  of  the  rector  often  very 
excessive.  The  irritating  circumstances  arose 
from  the  fact  that  when  the  territory  filled  up, 
the  incumbent  had  far  more  to  do  than  he  had 
time  for,  and  the  peo2:)le  were  thus  denied  Church 
opportunities,  and  yet,  as  the  incumbent's  salary 
was  contingent  upon  the  number  of  polls,  he  was 
opposed  to  a  division.  Besides,  inducted  into 
the  whole  parish  he  regarded  a  division,  as 
an  interference  with  his  vested  rights.  The  di- 
vision, however,  took  place  ;  though  sometimes 
the  difficulty  was  provided  for  by  the  erection  of 
chapels  of  ease  and  the  appointment  of  assis- 
tants. Another  circumstance  made  the  income 
to  vary  from  year  to  year,  the  varying  quality 
and  market  value  of  the  currency  in  which  all 
colonial  officers  were  paid,  tobacco.  Attempts 
were  made  to  fix  a  rate  of  commutation  in  the 
scrip  of  the  colony,  but  the  planters  could  al- 
ways get  the  better  of  the  parsons  in  that,  by 
paying  in  what  medium  they  pleased.  Some  of 
the  parishes  after  a  few  years  yielded  very  hand- 
some incomes,  while  some  others  were  always 
extremely  weak. 

The  whole  arrangement  produced  many  diffi- 
culties throughout  the  whole  colonial  period. 
In  some  parishes  the  scantiness  of  the  clergy- 
man's income  caused  better  men  to  make  special 
provision  for  their  support,  and  a  numlier  of 
cures  early  received  endowments  in  land.     Plur- 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  o7 

alities  were  allowed,  as  we  have  seen,  under 
certain  conditions,  but  the  necessary  labor 
involved  often  meant  j^ractical  inefficiency.  In 
some  respects  Maryland  had  a  show  of  prosi^er- 
ity  which  was  not  always  justilied  by  the  facts. 

Dr.  Bray,  having  come  into  the  colony,  imme- 
diately began  the  duties  of  his  office.  In  the 
May  following  his  arrival,  having  previously 
visited  each  parish,  he  called  together  the  clergy 
at  Annapolis,  now  for  six  years  the  capital  of 
the  colon}",  when  a  general  discussion  was  had 
upon  matters  bearing  upon  the  good  of  the 
church.  The  visitation  lasted  several  days,  and 
the  l)est  feeling  prevailed.  He  exhorted  the 
clergy  to  diligence  in  the  instruction  of  the 
young,  in  parochial  visiting,  in  Catechising  in 
the  church,  and  in  private  where  great  distances 
j)revented  families  from  attending  service;  to  be 
earnest  in  teaching  the  duty  of  seeking  baj)tism, 
of  which  there  had  been  great  neglect,  the 
opportunities  also  in  most  places  having  been 
few;  and  to  begin  the  regular  monthly  adminis- 
tration of  the  Holy  Communion  as  soon  as  a 
sufficient  number  of  persons  could  be  found 
desirous  of  receiving  the  same.  Great  satisfac- 
tion was  expressed  at  the  recent  passage  of  a 
new  act  of  establishment,  which  had  been  by  the 
unanimous  consent  of  the  Assembly:  thanks 
were  extended  to  Governor  Blackiston  for  his 
support  in  the  matter,  and  reference  was  made 
to  the  necessity  of  discipline  for  the  clergy, 
looseness  of  morals  on  their  part  being  declared 
the  greatest  obstacle  that  could  afflict  the  colony. 
One  minister  was  severely  arraigned  in  the 
presence    of    his    brethren,   his    conduct    being 


58  CHURCH  LIFE 

seemingly  most  extreme,  and  a  time  was  ap- 
pointed for  his  trial;  an  assumption  of.  author- 
ity on  the  commissary's  part  that  was  not 
accorded  to  his  successors.  A  scheme  was  laid 
out  for  several  visitations  a  year,  one  of  them 
to  be  a  general  visitation  annually,  when  alL  the 
clergy  were  to  be  convened.  Before  their  final 
separation  the  clergy  joined  in  a  request  to  the 
commissary  that  he  would  return  to  England 
to  further  the  cause  of  the  establishment  act 
passed  this  year,  and  also  to  secure,  as  far  as 
possible,  an  increase  in  the  number  of  ministers. 
One  item  among  their  proceedings  is  of  i)eculiar 
interest.  It  was  a  contribution  made  by  the 
clergy  assembled  for  the  support  of  a  missionary 
among  the  Quakers  of  Pennsylvania.  They  are 
described  as  "sadly  deluded  into  a  total  apostasy 
from  the  Christian  faith,"  and  the  clergy,  rejoic- 
ing in  their  own  privilege,  as  a  kind  of  tliank 
offering  determined  to  recover  as  many  as  possi- 
ble from  the  error  of  their  way.  Pennsylvania 
was  regarded  probably  as  a  field  for  foreign 
missions;  for  there  were  many  Quakers  in  Mary- 
land for  whose  conversion  the  clergy  might  have 
both  labored  and  contributed.  The' Act  of 
Establishment,  however,  had  not  put  these 
latter  in  a  proper  frame  of  mind  for  conversion; 
while  for  some  years  Pennsylvania  had  been 
very  greatly  excited  and  divided  by  a  violent 
religious  discussion,  in  the  midst  of  which  a 
very  considerable  number  of  Quakers  had  repu- 
diated their  former  views.  This  was  therefore 
felt  to  be  an  opjDortunity.  The  amount  sub- 
scribed was  twenty-live  pounds  sterling,  to  be 
paid  annually,  and  the  commissary  of  Virginia 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  59 

was  solicited  to  promote  the  same  endeavor 
amongst  his  clergy.  It  was  a  decided  advance 
uX)on  the  old  way  of  treating  the  Friends,  and 
indicates  a  degree  of  earnestness  which  we  are 
sometimes  disposed  to  think  did  not  exist  in 
those  days.  Many  of  the  pastors  who  came 
over  to  Maryland  at  that  time,  were  certainly 
men  of  Christian  tone  and  devotion.  Dr.  Bray 
acceded  to  the  reqnest  to  return  to  England,  and 
it  was  well  for  the  Church  that  he  did;  for 
without  his  resolute  endeavors  the  act  of  1702 
would  never  have  been  finally  approved.  He 
did  not  return  to  America,  though  until  his 
death,  some  thirty  years  after  this  time,  he 
continued  the  steadfast  friend  of  the  Church  in 
Maryland.  One  cause  probably  of  the  cessation 
of  his  connection  with  the  Establishment,  was 
his  disappointment  about  his  support.  For  it 
Avas  expected  that  as  commissary  he  should  be 
made  judge  in  testamentary  cases,  an  office 
which  would  have  yielded  him  three  hundred 
pounds  sterling  per  annum.  As  it  was  it  was 
denied  him,  and  also  again  when  he  sought  it  in 
his  successor's  behalf;  and  the  agitation  of  the 
subject  produced  only  bitterness  with  the  civil 
authority.  For  the  commissary  as  such  there 
was  no  provivsion  made.  Dr.  Bray  had  been 
most  liberal  with  his  own  funds  while  laboring 
for  the  colony,  and  his  means  were  now  greatly 
contracted. 

As  to  the  immediate  influence  of  the  new 
position  of  the  churcli- for  good  upon  the  moral 
condition  of  the  colony,  we  are  not  left  in  dark- 
ness. The  difference  between  a  community 
ministered  to  by  clergymen  and  one  where  the 


60  CHURCH  LIFE 

gosjDel  is  not  preaclied,  onglit  to  be  apparent. 
A  new  community  without  the  gospel  is,  as  we 
find  it  in  our  oAvn  day,  a  jDlace  where  looseness 
abounds,  and  that  such  was  the  condition  of 
things  in  Maryland  before  the  year  seventeen 
hundred  there  is  sufficient  testimony.  Such  a 
X)romiscuous  gathering  of  men  could  not  but  be 
regardless  of  the  proprieties  of  life,  and  the  only 
thing  that  could  save  the  Maryland  manners, 
was  the  fact  that  there  Avere  no  great  communi- 
ties of  men,  there  being  but  very  few  places  that 
had  the  name  and  much  fewer  that  had  the 
apx)earance  of  towns.  The  condition  of  things 
at  the  time  of  the  Protestant  Revolution,  we 
have  seen.  Dr.  Bray,  however,  was  able  to 
assure  the  clergy  that  he  had  learned,  while 
going  from  parish  to  parish,  that  the  effect  of 
the  clergy's  presence,  the  preaching  of  the 
gospel,  and  the  uprightness  of  life  which  they 
themselves  exemplified  in  their  various  fields,  had 
produced  immediate  good.  Evil  men  proved  a 
draAvback  from  time  to  time,  but  many  good  men, 
some  of  them  marked  for  their  excellence,  also 
abounded;  and  the  i)eople  received  a  positive 
blessing,  of  Avhich,  after  the  first  noted  effects, 
they  ceased  to  be  sensible.  It  is  by  contrast 
alone  we  often  get  to  know  of  the  most  import- 
ant facts,  and  the  immense  good  the  Establish- 
ment was  Avorking  all  the  time,  the  terrilde 
depravity  from  Avhich  it  Avas  saving  the  colony, 
AA'as  never  discerned.  It  Avas  doubtless  the  bul- 
Avark  of  right  living  till  its  closing  days.  Avhen 
the  increase  of  population  prepared  the  Avay 
for  the  introduction  of  the  voluntary  princi- 
ple. 


IN  VOLONIAL  MARYLAND.  61 


CHAPTER  Y. 

THE  OKGANIZATIOX  OF  THE  PARISH. 

AVe  have  now  come  to  the  organization  of  the 
parish  and  the  incidents  accompanying  it. 
These  present  many  odd  features  to  our  con- 
ception; though  Maryland  notions  were  probably 
not  very  different  from  those  of  the  home 
country  in  regard  to  like  things.  First  must  be 
remembered  that  this  was  m  the  days  when  the 
alliance  between  the  church  and  state  was  such, 
to  the  exclusion  of  higher  thoughts  in  large 
measure,  that  the  tone  and  feeling  of  the  church 
were  greatly  secularized.  Some  of  the 
purest  and  noblest  men  shone  eminently  in 
that  period,  with  Tillotson,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  at  their  head.  The  Church's  true 
relation,  however,  to  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the 
peojile,  was  often  obscured,  and  place  was  too 
frequently  the  object  which  priests  and  spiritual 
rulers  had  in  their  minds.  With  this  of  course 
came  about  a  low  spiritual  standard  among  the 
people.  Yet  the  colonists  of  Maryland  were  not 
Avanting  in  earnestness,  though  in  some  things 
they  were  wanting  in  refinement  of  perception, 
and  tilings  were  imiws^d  upon  the  clergy  by  law 


(i3  CHURCH  LIFE 

and  methods  pursued  for  the  house  of  God  that 
woukl  to  us  seem  impossible. 

The  parish  of  St.  James,  Herring  Creek,  was 
laid  out  in  the  year  1694  (O.  S.)  by  certain 
councillors  and  justices,  Anne  Arundel  County 
being  divided  into  four  parts.  The  record  runs 
thus:  "Att  a  court  held  att  London  Town  ye 
31st  day  of  January  anno  Dom.  1694  and  in  ye 
sixth  year  of  the  reign  of  our  Sovereign  Lord 
and  Lady  Willm.  and  Mary  by  ye  grace  of  God 
of  England,  Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland  King 
and  Queen,  Defender  of  ye  faith  &c.  By  ye 
justices  and  councillors  thereunto  authorized, 
with  ye  most  i^rincipal  freeholders  and  others 
called  for  ye  laying  out  of  ye  county  of  Ann 
Arundel  into  districts  and.  parishes,  in  pursuance 
to  an  Act  of  Assembly  entitulled  an  act  for  ye 
service  of  Almighty  God  and  ye  Establishment 
of  ye  Protestant  Religion  in  this  province  made 
att  ve  citty  of  St.  Mary's  the  tenth  dav  of  May 
Anno  Dom.  1692. 

Councillors  and  Justices  present 

Coll  Nicholas  Greenbury       ]  n  ^^^ 

mi       TT  rri  rr         1    1^  r  CounClllorS. 

The  Hon.  Thos.  Tench  Esq.   ( 

Mr.  James  Sanders, 

Maj.  Henry  Ridgiey, 

Capt.  Nicli.  Gasaway, 

Mr.  Henry  Constable,        \  Justices. 

Mr.  Philip  Howard. 

Mr.  John  Dorsey, 

Mr.  Seth  Biggs, 

Whereas,  in  pursuance  of  ye  authority  to  us- 
given  by  ye  afore  mentioned  act.  it  is  found  con- 


IN  (JOLONIAL  MARYLAND.  63 

veiiient  and  is  hereupon  concluded  that  this 
County  of  Ann  Arundell  be  divided  into  four 
parishes,  the  bounds  and  limitts  of  St.  James' 
parish,  then  called  by  ye  name  of  Herring  Creek 
parish  in  Herring  Creeke  liundred  with  ye 
residue*  of  West  River  hundred  beginning  at 
ye  Southmost  bounds  of  South  River  parish  on 
ye  land  of  Ewen  upon  Eweuton,  now  in  the 
j)OSsession  of  Richard  Grallaway,  and  bounding 
on  ye  East  with  ye  oay  of  Chessepeake  lieing 
down  Southerly  to  ye  creek  called  Fishing  Creek 
then  West  with  ye  said  creek  to  ye  bounds  of 
Ann  Arundel  and  Callvert  Countys  to  Lyons 
Creek,  then  with  ye  said  creek  to  Potuxan,  then 
up  ye  sd  river  to  ye  land  called  Whites  Plaines  to 
the  Southernmost  bounds  of  South  River  parish. 
And  from  White's  Plains  Easterly  including  ye 

and   plantation   of  Thomas    Stockett,    Coll. 

Thomas  Taylor's  quarter,  and  by  his  dwelling- 
plantation, — by  John  Wooden,  Richard  Wigg, 
Seaborn  Batty,  Doctor  Ferdinandoe  Batty,  and 
so  to  the  aforementioned  bounds  of  ye  land 
called  Ewen  upon  Ewenton." 

The  commission  having  so  far  concluded  its 
labors,  the  next  thing  to  do  was  the  organization 
of  the  parish,  which  was  done  under  an  order  of 
the  commission  to  the  sheriff  requiring  him  to 
give  notice  "to  ye  freeholders  to  meet  at  ye 
place  hereinafter  meiitioned  on  ye  second  Thurs- 
day in  February  next  ensuing,  and  there  make 
choise  of  six  ye  most  able  men  to  be  a  vestry  for 
the  parish  as  aforesayd,  and  that  ye  clerk  issue 
out  summonses  to  ye  sheriff  for  that  purpose, 
which  was  accordingly  done.  Att  which  day  the 
freeholders  of  ye  parish  of  Herring  Creek  and 


64  CHURCH  LIFE 

part  of  West  River  hundred  (id  est)  St.  James' 
parish  at  ye  day  and  time  aforesaid  mett  att  ye 
house  of  John  Willson  Sen.  in  ye  said  parish 
and  then  and  there  did  ellect  and  choose  for 
their  vestry,  viz: 

Hon.  Thos,  Tench  Esq.,  Mr.  James  Rigbie, 
Mr.  Seth  Biggs,  Mr.  Nicholas  Turrett, 

Capt.  Wm.  Holland,        Capt.  Robert  Lockwood. 

The  parish  was  thus  organized,  and  in  the 
following  April  the  vestry  elected  the  Church 
wardens,  Mr.  Wm.  Holland  and  Mr.  Abraham 
Brickhead,  to  serve  for  the  ensuing  year.  Their 
first  care  was  to  qualify  themselves  for  their 
office,  and  to  do  so  they  provided  themselves 
with  a  copy  of  the  law  under  which  they  were 
acting;  according  to  which,  there  were  various 
oaths  appointed  by  act  of  Parliament  which  they 
were  compelled  to  take.  This  was  not  done  till 
the  following  August.  The  oaths  were  emi- 
nently ironclad,  and  covered  grounds  which  to 
our  minds  lie  outside  ecclesiastical  relations,  pro- 
perly so  called.  The  only  thing  that  can  be  said 
is  they  were  in  harmony  with  the  then  institu- 
tions.    They  were  as  follows: 

First,  I  do  sincerely  promise  and  swear  that 
I  will  be  faithful  and  bear  true  allegiance  to  his 
Majesty  King  William.     So  help  me  Ood. 

Second,  I  do  swear  that  I  do  from  my  heart 
abhor,  detest  and  abjure,  as  impious  and  hereti- 
cal the  damnable  doctrine  and  position  that 
princes  excommunicated  or  deprived  by  the  Pope 
or  any  authority  of  the  see  of  Rome,  may  be 
deposed  or  murthered  by  their  subjects  or  any 
other  whatsoever. 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  65 

Third,  and  I  do  declare  that  no  foreign  prince, 
person,  or  prelate,  or  potentate,  hath  or  ought 
to  have  any  jurisdiction,  power,  superiority, 
prominency,  or  authority,  ecclesiastical  or  spirit- 
ual within  the  realm  of  England  or  the  domin- 
ions thereunto  belonging.     So  help  me,  etc. 

There  was  also  this  test  required  of  every 
church  officer:  We  the  subscribers  do  declare 
that  we  do  believe  that  there  is  not  any  transub- 
stantiation  in  ye  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  supper 
or  in  the  elements  of  bread  and  wine  at  or  after 
the  consecration  thereof  by  any  person  or  j^er- 
sons  whatsoever. 

Also  the  following  injunction  was  required  to 
be  given:  You  shall  well  and  truly  act  and  do — 
in  every  station, — without  prejudice,  favor  or 
affection,  with  equal  rights  to  all  persons,  and 
shall  not  diminish  or  detain  from  any  minister 
legally  qualified  and  presented,  inducted  or 
appoynted  by  his  excellency  or  other  ways,  any 
right,  perquisite  or  benefit  given  by  law.  So 
help  you  God. 

These  oaths  reflect  the  fears  and  jealousies  of 
the  times,  and  grew  out  of  that  period  when  the 
Church  of  England  was  so  greatly  endangered, 
as  well  also  as  the  liberty  of  the  people,  in  the 
last  days  of  Charles  II, and  more  notably  in 
the  time  of  James  II,  whose  acts  looked  to  the 
building  up  of  an  absolute  government  in  Eng- 
land and  the  establishment  of  the  church  of 
Rome,  to  which  both  of  them  had  conformed. 

It  was  also  an  old  claim  of  the  Roman  see  that 
the  Pope  had  power  to  absolve  subjects  from 
their  allegiance,  thereby  inciting  fanatics  to 
murder  their  rulers;  a  claim  that  had  more  than 


66  CHURCH  LIFE 

once  been  acted  upon  in  England.  The  matter 
also  at  this  time  assumed  very  imposing  propor- 
tions when  the  fugitive  King  James  was  plotting 
his  restoration,  and  was  in  correspondence  with 
many  in  England  who  were  watching  by  any 
available  means  to  secure  his  restoration  and 
thus  undo  the  work  of  the  Revolution;  a  danger 
that  threatened  England  for  more  than  a  half 
century.  The  whole  empire  was,  therefore,  ex- 
ceedingly jealous,  and  care  was  taken  by  every 
means  to  provide  against  disloyal  men  getting 
an  opportunity  of  doing  harm .  This  was  in  a  large 
measure  the  cause  of  the  laying  of  restrictions 
upon  Roman  Catholics  everywhere  in  the  British 
Empire.  The  immense  presumption  of  that 
church  excited  suspicion  against  its  members. 

The  parish  thus  established  was  one  of  thirty 
into  which  the  province  was  divided.  This 
division  affords  quite  a  fair  opportunity  for  our 
seeing  how  the  settlements  were  then  distri- 
buted, being  nearly  all  adjacent  to  the  water 
courses;  and  the  subsequent  reports  made  from 
time  to  time  of  the  condition  of  the  parishes  and 
number  of  families,  show  the  relative  strength  of 
the  xiopulation  in  the  different  sections.  Much 
of  the  colony  was  not  occupied  at  all  in  1695, 
while  the  immense  size  of  many  of  the  parishes 
shows  that  the  population  in  them  was  exceed- 
ingly scanty .  For  one  reason  of  their  great  extent 
was  that  persons  enough  might  be  included  to 
provide  for  the  minister  of  the  cure  a  compe- 
tence; though  often  they  failed  to  do  this,  as  in 
some  instances  the  income  was  not  more  than 
twenty-five  or  thirty  pounds.  What  we  call 
Western  Maryland  was  then  hardly  known  at  all, 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  67 

Prince  George's  County  being  without  western 
limits.  As  the  population  increased  new  coun- 
ties were  set  up,  and  also  new  parishes  were 
created. 

When  the  vestry  assumed  charge  of  the  parish 
they  found  an  old  church  already  existing,  the 
church  of  the  original  Herring  Creek  Parish; 
and  curiously  enough  its  name  has  passed  over 
into  popular  use  to  the  present  parish.  This 
older  edifice  is  supposed  to  have  been  situated 
near  the  present  village  of  Friendship,  in  the 
same  neighborhood  with  the  Quaker  meeting 
house  whose  site  is  still  pointed  out.  This  is 
likely,  as  Herring  Creek  was  a  local  designation 
covering  that  territory  and  was  the  name  also 
of  the  meeting  house.  It  is  probable  that  that 
was  an  earlier  center  to  a  considerable  population 
than  a  more  northern  point;  the  settlements  hav- 
ing apparently  generally  extended  up  the  bay 
from  the  original  capital  of  the  colony;  though 
it  is  true,  the  mouth  of  the  Severn  and  the  parts 
adjacent  down  as  far  as  the  South  River  district, 
had  been  settled  long  before  this;  chiefly,  how- 
ever, by  Puritans.  Beside  this  again,  there 
had  been  in  previous  years  several  clergymen  in 
Calvert  county,  who  could  and  doubtless  did, 
supply  this  church.  One  of  them  was  the  Rev. 
John  Yeo,  who  was  in  Calvert  county  in  1680. 
Another  was  the  Rev.  Paul  Bertrand,  who  was 
sent  out  from  England  about  1685  by  the  king  in 
resx^onse  to  the  petition  of  Mary  Taney.  He 
had  died  in  the  colony. 

When  the  old  church  had  been  built  it  is  not 
possible  to  say,  nor  by  whom.  Previous  to  this 
time  there  had  been  no  public  provision  made 


(58  CHURCH  LIFE 

for  building  cliurclies  or  supporting  ministers; 
though  efforts  were  made  in  1676  to  induce  the 
proprietary  to  make  such  provision.  His  reply 
was  that  the  four  protestant  ministers  in  the 
colony  had  each  a  plantation  by  which  he  could 
subsist.  Such  churches,  therefore,  as  were  built 
and  kept  open  had  to  be  provided  by  private 
subscripttion.  That  the  old  church  had  been 
built  many  years  before  is  evident  from  the  fact 
that  in  1695  it  had  to  be  covered  anew  and  eight 
hundred  pounds  of  tobacco  were  ordered  for  the 
work.  For  some  reason,  however,  either  because 
it  was  not  near  enough  to  the  center  of  the  parish, 
or  because  it  was  not  sufficiently  large,  aided  by 
the  fact  that  the  means  for  building  were  i^lenti- 
ful,  the  vestry  immediately  set  about  building  a 
new  edifice,  the  contract  for  which  was  given  out 
in  1695.  The  means  were  at  hand,  because  it  was 
provided  for  in  the  act  of  establishment  that  the 
tax  for  the  support  of  the  church  should  be 
levied  from  year  to  year;  and  when  there  was  no 
incumbent  in  a  parish  the  proceeds  of  the  tax 
were  to  go  to  the  repairing  and  building  of 
churches.  St,  James'  and  most  of  the  other 
parishes  were  in  this  way  provided  with  means 
for  this  demand,  and  worthy  buildings  were 
erected;  for  when  the  law  went  into  effect  there 
were  only  three  clergymen  in  the  colony  and  in  the 
year  1700  there  were  only  seventeen,  some  of  them 
having  just  come  over.  Funds  therefore  raj^id- 
ly  accumulated. 

The  new  church  was  not  very  pretentious. 
We  have  the  following  description  of  it  given, 
a  fair  type  doubtless  of  most  of  them  in  Mary- 
land:    It  was  forty  feet  long,  twenty  feet  wide 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  69 

and  twelve  feet  high  in  the  side  walls,  with 
seven  window  frames  and  arched  roof.  It  was  to 
be  finished  inside  with  "chancell  and  table,  with 
rayl  and  banisters,  x^^^^lpit,  reading  desk  and 
Gierke's  seat,  the  clinrch  to  be  seeled  from  top 
to  bottom  with  half  inch  plank,  batined  in  pan- 
nells,  pues  to  be  bnilt  on  each  side  of  the  church, 
shutters  to  every  window,  the  porch  to  be  seeled 
after  the  same  manner."  The  door  was  on  the 
South  side,  with  a  porch  nine  feet  square  before 
it.  The  description  of  this  porch  as  given  is:  "Ye 
door  archt,  with  railes  and  banisters  on  each 
side,  ye  roof  to  be  shingled  as  ye  church."  The 
caxDacity  of  such  a  building  according  to  our 
present  arrangement  of  seats  would  be  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  sittings,  though  with  the  old 
style  of  square  pews  economy  of  space  was  not 
so  much  considered.  As  first  built,  however, 
it  was  sufficient  for  their  needs,  though  as  time 
went  on  it  was  in  various  ways  enlarged  and 
additional  capacity  provided.  This  was  done 
either  by  increasing  the  length  of  the  building 
or  by  the  erection  of  galleries,  or  by  taking  into 
use  a  vestry  house  as  an  annex.  These  changes 
began  as  earlj^  as  1704,  and  were  made  with 
consent  of  the  vestry  by  private  individuals  who 
obtained  exclusive  title  to  the  pews  so  provided, 
with  the  right  of  alienating  them.  The  number 
of  taxables  nearly  doubled  in  the  first  twenty- 
five  years  of  the  parish  history. 

The  church  was  a  long  while  in  finishing, 
various  causes  of  delay  having  arisen.  Also 
having  already  a  place  of  worship  there  was 
probably  not  -so  much  urgency,  and  though 
money  was   sure   to   come   in   it  would   require 


70  CHURCH  LIFE 

several  years  in  which  to  accumulate  a  sufficient 
amount.  Besides,  though  it  is  said  that  in  some 
parts  of  Maryland  the  churches  were  without 
floors  save  what  mother  earth  provided,  certainly 
that  was  not  the  case  here.  If  it  was  anywhere 
the  fact  it  is  a  high  testimony  to  the  faithfulness 
of  the  people  who  would  not  wait  to  have  the 
floors  laid  to  commence  their  offering  of  worship, 
for  the  Assembly  provided  the  means  which  was 
sure  to  be  furnished  in  a  short  time.  That  there 
was  such  urgency  throughout  the  colony  for  the 
beginning  of  holy  worship  there  can  be  no 
doubt.  The  opportunity  for  prayer  and  praise 
was  not  given  before  there  was  a  demand  for  it. 

The  work  on  St.  James,'  however,  was  not 
rudely  or  hastily  done.  For  the  "gentlemen" 
who  had  composed  a  large  part  of  the  original 
colony,  never  died  out  in  Maryland;  but  all  the 
way  through  the  colonial  days  we  And  the  evi- 
dence of  their  intelligence  and  force  of  character, 
not  only  in  civil  but  also  in  social  affairs;  a  condi- 
tion of  society  which  West  River,  with  its  rich 
and  XDroductive  soil,  was  always  able  to  cherish. 
This  Avas  the  case  at  this  time,  so  that  we  And 
every  care  which  pride  and  love  could  bestow, 
manifested  for  the  church  and  its  appointments; 
and  though  small  in  size  and  plain  according  to 
our  present  tastes,  it  began  at  once  to  be  and 
ever  continued  the  center  of  the  dearest  and 
holiest  associations.  Later  down  in  the  century 
a  change  took  place,  and  much  taste  and  art 
were  shown  in  the  building  and  adornment,  not 
only  of  churches  and  other  public  buildings,  but. 
also  of  private  residences.  In  Annapolis  and  the 
adjacent  countr}"  especially,  are  such  examples 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  71 

presented,  the  architecture  and  elaborate  work- 
manship often  putting  to  the  bhish  many  of  the 
pretentious  efforts  of  this  present  time.  Many- 
honorable  mechanics  doubtless  came  to  America, 
as  to  a  new  field  which  with  its  increasing- 
wealth  offered  large  opportunity  to  their  genius 
and  ambition;  while  beside  there  were  many  who 
came  over  involuntarily,  men  who,  of  practical 
skill  in  the  mechanical  arts,  were  for  some 
delinquency  or  crime,  transported  from  their 
homes  to  these  shores.  Tradition  ascrioes  more 
than  one  elegant  piece  of  adornment  to  this  class. 
There  was  employed  in  the  building  of  the  first 
church  of  the  parish  one  such  involuntary 
imnngrant  whose  time  was  bought  by  the  vestry. 

From  the  year  1G95  till  1698  there  was  no 
settled  rector  in  the  parish  ;  but  the  law  had 
Xn'ovided  for  that  case  by  making  provision  for 
lay  readers,  so  that  we  find  one  such  reading  the 
service  regulai'ly  at  two  hundred  pounds  of 
tobacco  a  month.  AVe  hnd  also  a  person  who 
wandered  about  America  very  considerably,  the 
Rev.  Hugh  Jones,  preaching  three  sermons  in 
the  parish  ;  for  wdiich  he  received  four  hundred 
pounds  of  tobacco.  He  appears  a  little  later  as 
the  rector  of  Christ  Church,  Calvert  co. ;  a  man 
who  was  apparently  fond  of  his  pen  and  used  it 
sometimes  skillfully  in  depicting  to  the  English 
imagination  scenes  that  had  entertained  him 
here. 

In  the  matter  of  jiroviding  for  the  church 
building  in  those  days,  there  seems  to  have  been 
some  confusion  as  to  the  means.  We  have  seen 
that  one  of  the  functions  of  the  vestry  was  to  sell, 
for  a  term  of  years,  wdiite  women  guilty  of  having 


72  CHURCH  LIFE 

mulatto  children,  a  crime  that  in  the  early  days 
of  the  colony  was  very  frequently  committed, 
showing  the  presence  of  a  fearfully  debased  class 
of  society.  Such  cases  were  tried  before  the 
county  court,  the  vestries  only  executing  the 
sentence.  Nor  was  the  evil  soon  abated,  for  in 
1715  we  find  it  re-enacted,  with  the  same  penalty 
of  seven  years  servitude  inflicted  on  the  father, 
if  a  free  negro.  A  white  man  also  was  similarly 
punished  who  should  be  the  father  of  a  mulatto, 
so  strenuously  did  they  labor  against  mis- 
cegenation ;  while  so  radical  was  the  evil  that 
the  law  was  re-enacted  in  1717  and  1728.  But 
the  strangest  part  was  that  such  children  were 
supposed  to  bfelong  to  the  church,  and  the 
pecuniary  profits  resulting  from  the  crime  in  the 
sale  both  of  parents  and  children,  went  to  the 
use  of  the  church,  though  afterwards  it  was 
claimed  by  one  of  the  best  ministers  ever  in  the 
colony,  that  such  persons  belonged  of  right  to  the 
clergy,  a  claim  that  was  apparently  recognized. 

As  at  this  time  there  was  no  rector  in  the 
j)arish  we  And  the  vestry  using  their  oppor- 
tunity and  providing  out  of  the  thirty- two 
pounds  sterling  they  had  received  from  the  sale 
of  such  persons,  the  following  articles  along  with 
others.  Their  order  was  that  the  money  be  laid 
out  in  iron  work,  glass  and  other  necessary 
things  ;  but  when  the  account  was  returned  it 
was  found  to  include  in  "  necessary  things "  a 
surplice,  with  a  "flagon,  two  cupps,  one  challice, 
and  one  flue  mettle  bason,"  for  baptisms,  as 
afterwards  noted;  a  rather  incongruous  associa- 
tion one  would  think  between  the  means  and  the 
end.      The  same  bill  of  items  enables  us  to  get  a 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  73 

little  nearer  glance  at  the  old  churcli  and  tlie 
people's  estimate  of  comeliness  ;  for  we  find  five 
ponnds  sterling  paid  for  five  yards  of  fine  green 
broadcloth,  with  three  pounds  for  silk  fringe  and 
fourteen  shillings  for  four  tassels.  For  embroid- 
ering the  cloth,  whicli  was  to  be  used  for  a  pulpit 
cushion,  thirty  shillings  were  paid  ;  while  for 
tine  down  to  be  used  in  stuffing  the  same  eleven 
shillings  were  given,  the  whole  being  made  up, 
along  with  the  carpet,  for  ten  shillings.  Truly 
they  had  some  regard  for  what  was  comely  and 
beautiful ;  while  also  they  soon  outgrew  the 
anomaly  of  holy  vessels  being  purchased  in  the 
way  their  pewter  service  was.  For  in  1701  we 
find  this  entry :  "The  vestry  of  this  parish, 
taking  into  their  serious  consideration  with  what 
decorous  and  good  order  ye  Blessed  Sacrament 
of  the  Lord's  supper  is  administered  both  in 
their  native  country  and  other  parts  of  this 
province,  and  out  of  a  pious  and  godly  desire  to 
follow  ye  good  example  of  their  fellow  christians 
and  brethren  of  the  church  of  England,  and  in 
obedience  to  a  canon  of  ye  same  church  ;  have 
unanimously  voted  ye  buying  of  plate  to  be 
used  at  ye  offertory  and  celebration  of  ye  same 
sacrament,  and  for  ye  X)urchase  thereof  subscribed 
ye  severall  sumes  following :  Coll  Wm.  Holland 
four  pounds,  Mr.  Henry  Hall  three  pounds,  Mr. 
Anthony  Smyth  three  iDounds,  Mr.  Chris.  Vernon 
three  pounds,  Mr.  Seth  Biggs  four  pounds,  Capt. 
Robt,  Lockwood  three  pounds,  Mr.  Abraham 
Brickhead  three  pounds,  Mathias  Clark  one 
pound,  Morgan  Jones  one  pound."  To  this  we 
find  added:  "His  Excellency  Governor  Blackston 
five  pounds,  Mr.  Hen.  Robison  two  pounds,  Mr. 


74  CHURCH  LIFE 

Ricli.  Harwood  two  pounds;"  a  total  of  thirty 
four  j)ounds  sterling.  The  j)late  at  this  time 
obtained  by  the  fruits  of  this  "pious  and 
godly  desire,"  is,  with  the  loss  of  one  piece,  stil] 
in  use  in  the  parish.  As  we  shall  see,  otliei 
pieces  of  valuable  plate  came  to  the  parish  by 
private  gift  within  a  few  years  from  this  time 
and  are  still  retained.  The  old  pewter  service 
soon  ceased  to  be  mentioned  in  any  inventory 
given. 

Among  the  items  in  the  account  above  men- 
tioned is  one  for  nine  locks  for  pews.  This  seems 
like  an  anomaly.  For  the  church  was  built  and 
afterwards  was  sustained,  by  a  general  tax  laid 
upon  all  except  those  incapable  of  labor ;  the 
vestry  in  one  instance  having  the  power  to  make 
the  assessment.  The  church  would  therefoi'e 
apparently  belong  to  all  equally  without  any 
reserved  rights,  a  free  church  in  its  most  perfect 
manifestation.  On  the  other  hand  the  contrary 
was  the  fact  to  the  degree  that  later  down  in  the 
history  we  find  it  a  misdemeanor,  with  the 
IDenalty  of  corporal  inliiction  attached,  for  persons 
to  ''intrude"  in  others'  pews.  The  pew  doors 
were  locked,  and  as  it  w^as  the  time  of  the  old 
high  back  institution,  there  was  probably  not 
much  intrusion  done.  The  pews,  it  would  seem, 
were  regarded  as  the  private  possessions  only  oi 
a  few  of  the  wealthier  planters.  Pews  added  at 
j)rivate  cost  might  well  be  regarded  as  the  private 
IDOssession  of  those  who  were  at  the  whole 
expense,  as  was  sometimes  the  case.  A  free 
gallery  also  was  an  idea  embodied  in  the  plans  foi 
the  church  ;  and  the  wardens  and  vestrymen  had 
their  otiicial  seats  to  which  strangers,  especially 


IX  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  75 

distingnislied  ones,  would  be  invited.  Even  in 
tlie  Quaker  meeting,  it  is  said,  there  were  places 
allotted  for  the  dignitaries  of  the  colony  when 
they  might  be  willing  to  grace  the  assembly  with 
their  presence. 

With  all  these  allotments,  however,  the  church 
was  not  at  lirst  too  small  for  the  public  demands. 
Rather  there  was  jealousy  on  the  part  of  the 
the  provincial  authorities  that  the  edifice  was  too 
large,  and  the  vestry  had  to  make  their  report 
that  such  was  not  the  fact.  The  desire  expressed 
was  that  the  church  should  be  considered  as 
open  to  all,  an  order  passed  by  the  vestry  in  1698 
reading  "that  ye  church  wardens  give  notice  to 
ye  constables  and  other  persons  within  this 
parish,  (except  Quakers)  to  come  to  church  every 
Sabbath  day,"  a  rather  uncertain  action  on  their 
part ;  for  if  it  was  an  invitation  why  did  they 
not  invite  the  Quakers,  and  why  were  the 
constables  called  into  use  I  It  sounds  more  like 
a  dim  echo  of  other  days  when  church  going  was 
obligatory  and  they  would  constrain  if  they 
could.  The  Quakers  were,  it  is  to  be  remembered, 
a  cherished  class  at  this  time,  at  any  rate  in  the 
mind  of  William  III.  and  so  they  were  not  to  be 
offended  even  by  a  seeming  invitation.  There 
were  also  Roman  Catholics,  as  well  probably  as 
Christians  of  other  names,  residing  in  the  parish. 
They  were  all  "invited."  The  Quakers,  it  is 
true,  had  then  their  own  meeting  houses,  which  the 
others  had  not ;  but  this  "was  not  a  sufficient 
reason  ;  for  two  years  after  this  the  church  made 
a  subscription  to  support  a  missionary  among 
them  in  Philade]i)hia.  Possibly  the  Quakers  in 
Maryland  were  regarded  as  hopelessly  incorrigi- 


76  CHURCH  LIFE 


ble  and  too  hardened  to  come  in.  They  were  at 
any  rate  not  antagonized  by  an  invitation.  Ho\^! 
far  the  rest  of  the  world  heeded  we  are  not  told, 
only  we  know  that  soon  the  church  had  to  be 
increased  in  size. 

All  this  time  the  Governor  and  council  kei)t  ai 
strict  surveillance  over  the  vestry's  actions, 
making  inquires  as  to  the  expenditure  of  moneys 
and  requiring  a  copy  of  the  record  of  theiid 
proceedings.  The  inference  to  be  made,  however, 
from  the  records,  is  that  there  was  no  occasion 
for  fault ;  for  down  to  the  i^eriod  to  which  we 
have  come,  and  for  a  considerable  time  after-| 
wards  the  whole  tone  of  the  administration  wasi 
exceedingly  worthy.  Though  acting  under  the; 
law  they  evidently  rejoiced  in  the  law,  and  were' 
thankful  for  the  blessed  opportunities  that  the; 
law  alone  could  at  that  time  have  provided,  ofi 
worshiping  God  in  His  holy  house  under  thei 
guidance  of  a  duly  ordained  minister.  Every- 1 
thing  was  done  decently  and  in  order.: 
Immorality  for  the  first  time  found  something i 
like  an  effectual  check  ;  and  domestic  misery 
growing  out  of  the  conjugal  infidelity,  which  so 
alarmingly  prevailed,  was  in  some  measure 
removed,  as  its  cause  was  rebuked  and  held  up 
to  indignation  and  scorn.  In  the  establishment 
Maryland  received,  as  the  unanimous  voice  of  its 
representatives  again  and  again  declared,  what 
was  in  the  highest  degree  necessary  for  its  moral, 
social  and  religious  welfare.  I 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  77 


i 


CHAPTER  TI. 


THE   FIRST  RECTORSHIP. 


The  rectorship  of  St.  James'  parish  was  first 
filled  by  a  man  in  every  way  qualified  to  affect 
the  parish  permanently  for  good,  the  Rev.  Henry 
Hall.  He  was  inducted  May  7th,  1698  by  Gov. 
Francis  Nicholson,  and  continued  to  direct  the 
affairs  of  the  parish  till  the  year  1722,  a  period 
embracing  many  exciting  episodes  in  Maryland 
church  life,  in  which  Mr.  Hall  bore  a  prominent 
part.  The  form  of  the  induction  was  as  follows, 
a  form  greatly  changed  in  the  later  days  of  the 
colony:  "Gentlemen,  the  bearer  hereof  is  ye 
Rev.  Mr.  Henry  Hall,  who  is  sent  by  the  Right 
Honorable  and  Right  Reverend  Father  in  God, 
Henry,  Lord  Bishop  of  London,  in  order  to  offi- 
ciate as  a  clergyman  of  the  Church  of  England 
in  this  his  majestie's  province.  I  do,  therefore, 
in  his  majesties  name,  appoint  the  said  Mr. 
Eenry  Hall  to  officiate  as  a  clergyman  of  ye 
Ohurch  of  England  in  St.  James'  parish  in  Ann 
A.rrundel  County. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  att  ye  port  of 
A.nnapolis  this  seventh  day  of  May  in  ye  tenth 
reare  of  ye  reigne  of  our  Sovereigne  Lord,  Will- 
am  ye  third,  by  the  grace  of  God  of  England, 


80  CHURCH  LIFE 

negatived  by  the  non-action  of  tlie  Assembly, 
tlieir  jealousy  of  such  authority  causing  them  to 
lay  tlie  matter  over.  For  America  was  always 
afraid  of  entrusting  either  legislative  or  judicial 
functions  to  any  authority  in  Great  Britain. 
The  clergy  also  themselves  did  not  heartily 
approve  this  scheme,  the  office  of  commissary, 
as  possessing  only  delegated  authority,  not  com- 
mending itself  to  their  judgement  as  one  in  which 
much  authority  might  be  reasonably  lodged.  In 
some  instances,  even  as  it  was,  it  was  found  in 
use  to  create  a  good  deal  of  trouble  and  confu- 
sion. Dr.  Bray's  difficulty  in  London  with  Grov. 
Seymour  being  exceedingly  painful,  and  Mr. 
Henderson's  in  America  with  all  parties  being 
disastrous  in  the  extreme.  The  liability  to  colli- 
sion from  the  conflict  of  jurisdiction  was  very 
great,  and  even  in  the  hands  of  a  discreet  person, 
who  still  cared  for  the  honor  of  his  office,  conflict 
was  unadvoidable.  It  was  doubtless  therefore 
the  leading  of  a  wise  Providence  that  the  juris- 
diction of  the  commissary  was  not  enlarged,  and 
that  the  office  Anally  ceased  to  be  exercised. 

Another  plan  proposed  for  abating  the  evil  was 
the  erection  of  an  ecclesiastical  court.  This  was 
attemi3ted  in  1708  by  the  xissembly  during  the 
administration  of  Gov.  Seymour,  a  gentleman 
who  though  well  spoken  of  for  his  management 
of  the  colony's  affairs,  was  bitterly  antagonistic 
to  any  administration  over  the  church  other  than 
his  own.  This  was  shown  in  his  aversion  to  the 
appointment  of  a  commissary  with  authority 
when  he  was  applied  to  by  Dr.  Bray.  The 
support  proposed  for  the  commissary  he 
utterly  rejected,    and    expressed   in   no   courtly 


JN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  81 

language  his  aversion  for  the  office.  The  court 
proposed  by  the  Assembly  was  to  consist  of  three 
clergymen,  three  laymen  and  the  Governor;  and 
\xi\s  to  have  jurisdiction  even  to  the  limit  of  suspen- 
ding ministers  from  their  functions.  The  mention 
of  such  acourt  shows  the  great  need  for  some  cor- 
rective discipline;  but  of  course,  the  plan  given 
excited  the  greatest  opposition  on  the  part  of  the 
clergy,  it  being  clearly  seen  at  the  time  and  stated, 
that  it  ignored  the  first  principle  of  E^Discopacy. 
Protest  was  immediately  entered  with  the  Bishop 
of  London.  Governor  Seymour,  however,  did 
not  comtirm  the  law,  on  the  ground  that  he  had 
not  received  instructions  from  home  in  regard  to 
the  matter.  Governor  Hart  afterwards  was  dis- 
posed, on  his  own  motion,  to  examine  into  a  case 
where  complaint  had  been  made  by  a  vestry  of 
their  minister;  but  was  deterred  by  the  jealousy 
of  the  clergy  against  any  infraction  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  their  church  government.  Nor  was  the 
above  the  only  occasion  when  the  attempt  Avas 
made  to  set  up  such  a  court,  as  we  shall  see  further 
on,  the  attempt  being  resisted  by  the  same  object- 
tions. 

Another  plan  suggested  for  the  cure  of  the 
evil  was  the  appointment  of  a  Bishoj)  for  the 
colonies.  Sometimes  the  petition  was  for  a 
Bishop  for  Maryland,  sometimes  that  the  settle- 
ments in  America  should  be  provided  with  two 
Bishops,  one  for  the  Western  Islands,  the  other 
for  the  mainland.  Sometimes  the  j)lea  was  sent  in 
for  a  suffragan  Bishop,  as  the  representative  of 
the  Bishop  of  London  in  this  part  of  his  jurisdic- 
tion. This  desire  was  expressed,  also,  not  only 
by  the  clergy,  but  also  by  the  commissary,  and 


80  CHURCH  LIFE 

negatived  by  the  non-action  of  tlie  Assembly, 
tlieir  jealousy  of  such  authority  causing  them  to 
lay  tlie  matter  over.  For  America  was  always 
afraid  of  entrusting  either  legislative  or  judicial 
functions  to  any  authority  in  Great  Britain. 
The  clergy  also  themselves  did  not  heartily 
approve  this  scheme,  the  office  of  commissary, 
as  possessing  only  delegated  authority,  not  com- 
mending itself  to  their  judgement  as  one  in  which 
much  authority  might  be  reasonably  lodged.  In 
some  instances,  even  as  it  was,  it  was  found  in 
use  to  create  a  good  deal  of  trouble  and  confu- 
sion, Dr.  Bray's  difficulty  in  London  with  Gov, 
Seymour  being  exceedingly  iminful,  and  Mr. 
Henderson's  in  America  with  all  parties  being 
disastrous  in  the  extreme.  The  liability  to  colli- 
sion from  the  conflict  of  jurisdiction  was  very 
great,  and  even  in  the  hands  of  a  discreet  person, 
who  still  cared  for  the  honor  of  his  office,  conflict 
was  unadvoidable.  It  was  doubtless  therefore 
the  leading  of  a  wise  Providence  that  the  juris- 
diction of  the  commissary  was  not  enlarged,  and 
that  the  office  finally  ceased  to  be  exercised. 

Another  plan  proposed  for  abating  the  evil  was 
the  erection  of  an  ecclesiastical  court.  This  was 
attempted  in  1708  by  the  Assembly  during  the 
administration  of  Gov.  Seymour,  a  gentleman 
wlio  though  well  spoken  of  for  his  management 
of  the  colony's  affairs,  was  bitterly  antagonistic 
to  any  administration  over  the  church  other  than 
his  own.  This  was  shown  in  his  aversion  to  the 
appointment  of  a  commissary  with  authority 
when  he  was  applied  to  by  Dr.  Bray.  The 
support  proposed  for  the  commissary  he 
utterly  rejected,    and    expressed   in   no   courtly 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  81 

language  liis  aversion  for  the  office.  The  court 
2Wopo8ed  by  the  Assembly  was  to  consist  of  three 
clergymen,  three  laymen  and  the  Governor;  and 
was  to  have  jurisdiction  even  to  the  limit  of  suspen- 
ding ministers  from  their  functions.  The  mention 
of  such  acourt  shows  the  great  need  for  some  cor- 
rective discipline;  but  of  course,  the  plan  given 
excited  the  greatest  opposition  on  the  part  of  the 
clergy,  it  being  clearly  seen  at  the  time  and  stated, 
that  it  ignored  the  first  principle  of  Episcopacy. 
Protest  was  immediately  entered  with  the  Bishop 
of  London.  Governor  Seymour,  however,  did 
not  comfirm  the  law,  on  the  ground  that  he  had 
not  received  instructions  from  home  in  regard  to 
the  matter.  Governor  Hart  afterwards  was  dis- 
posed, on  his  own  motion,  to  examine  into  a  case 
where  complaint  had  been  made  by  a  vestry  of 
their  minister;  but  was  deterred  by  the  jealousy 
of  the  clergy  against  any  infraction  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  their  church  government.  Nor  was  the 
above  the  only  occasion  Avhen  the  attempt  Avas 
made  to  set  up  such  a  court,  as  we  shall  see  further 
on,  the  attempt  being  resisted  by  the  same  object- 
tions. 

Another  j)lan  suggested  for  the  cure  of  the 
evil  was  the  appointment  of  a  Bishop  for  the 
colonies.  Sometimes  the  petition  was  for  a 
Bishop  for  Maryland,  sometimes  that  the  settle- 
ments in  America  should  be  provided  with  two 
Bishops,  one  for  the  Western  Islands,  the  other 
for  the  mainland.  Sometimes  the  2)lea  was  sent  in 
for  a  suffragan  Bishop,  as  the  representative  of 
the  Bishop  of  London  in  this  part  of  his  jurisdic- 
tion. This  desire  was  expressed,  also,  not  only 
by  the  clergy,  but  also  by  the  commissary,  and 


82  CHURCH  LIFE 

at  one  time  by  the  civil  authority;  for  all  agreed 
that  the  only  feasible  mode  of  improving  the 
ocmdition  of 'things  was  the  appointment  of  a 
Bishop.  All  such  pleadings,  however,  were 
neglected.  It  was  x^roposed  that  the  colony 
should  support  the  Bishop,  as  it  supported  all 
its  clergy.  For  the  clergy  of  Maryland  received 
no  aid  from  home.  The  provision  for  his  support 
was  to  be  ol)tained  by  granting  him  the  fees  of 
the  office  for  the  prol)ate  of  wills,  and  by  a  plan- 
tation of  hfteen  hundred  acres  of  land.  This  was 
the  plan  suggested  in  1724.  There  was  no  favor- 
able response,  however,  from  the  administrators 
of  colonial  affairs  in  England.  At  one  time  it 
was  feared  that  the  appointment  of  Bishops  for 
America  would  tend  to  create  a  feeling  of  inde- 
pendence in  the  colonies;  and  therefore  of  course 
it  was  avoided.  Later  on,  about  the  year  1760, 
when  the  scheme  was  further  urged  by  the  Eng- 
lish BishoiDS,  not  for  Maryland  particularly,  but 
for  America,  the  matter  received  earnest  con- 
sideration in  the  English  Cabinet.  But  the 
difficulties  were  felt  to  be  at  the  time  insurmount- 
able. In  1708  both  Massachusetts  and  Virginia 
are  found  in  their  legislative  assemblies  reproba- 
ting the  establishment  of  Episcopacy  in  the 
colonies,  a  harmony  of  o^^inion  in  widely  diver- 
gent quarters  that  could  not  but  make  the  Eng- 
glish  government  halt  in  carrying  out  any  such 
purpose.  Eddis,  also,  writing*^  from  Maryland  in 
the  closing  days  of  the  colony,  says:  "The  colo- 
nists were  strongly  prejudiced  against  the  Episco- 
pal order." 

These  were  the   various  means   proposed   for 
disciplining    the   clergy  and   undoing   the   evil 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  83 

effects  of  the  ignorance  or  indifference  of  the 
governors  in  inducting  nnworthy  men.  How 
weighty  was  the  evil  it  is  impossible  to  say;  for 
in  such  matters  there  is  always  much  exaggeration. 
AVe  have  in  the  year  1723  a  picture  of  ten  of  the 
clergy  of  the  time,  which  will  throw  some  light 
upon  the  question  as  showing  the  prejudices  at 
work  affecting  the  judgment,  and,  may  be, 
suggest  the  ratio  of  unworthy  men  to  the 
respectable.  It  will  be  observed  that  political 
antagonism  is  strongly  expressed,  and  when  we 
uo  back  to  that  period,  and  remember  the  spirit 
I  if  faction,  that  slumbered,  indeed,  at  tijnes, 
l)ut  was  nevertheless  strong,  resting  on  the  claims 
of  the  pretender  as  against  the  reigning  house  of 
Hanover,  and  also  the  ecclesiastical  aversion  that 
was  felt  against  those  avIio  were  of  Scottish  ordi- 
nation, Avhose  forefathers  were  the  non-jurors  of 
tlie  days  of  the  Kevolution,  Ave  are  someAvhat 
disposed  to  hesitate  in  acce2)ting  the  judgment 
passed.  The  ten  are  thus  described:  ''Peter 
Tustian,  a  stranger  recently  come  from  South 
("arolina,  Jacob  Henderson,  a  tory,  Giles  Rains- 
ford,  a  stickler  for  the  present  happy  estal)lish- 
ment,  John  Fraser,  a  Avhig,  Sam.  Skippon,  a  Avhig 
and  an  excellent  scholar  and  good  man.  John 
Colebatch,  a  Avliig  and  one  of  the  best  of  men, 
James  AVilliamson,  a  Scotchman,  an  idiot,  and  a 
tory,  Daniel  Maynadier,  a  Avhig  and  reputed  a 
good  liver,  but  a  horrid  preacher,  John  Donald- 
son, a  grand  tory  and  a  rake,  George  Ross,  a 
tory  and  belongs  to  the  society."  Xothing  it  Avill 
be  observed  is  said  to  the  disparagement  of  any 
whig  except  that  one  is  said  to  have  been  a  good 
liver,  which  may  mean  more  than  is  expressed; 


84  CHURCH  LIFE 

while,  if  it  were  possible  to  stigmatize  a  tory  it  was 
done.  The  school  of  Dean  Swift  had  hardly 
died  out  yet,  and  it  is  jDossible  that  men  in  some 
degree  appeared  worse  than  they  were  because 
of  the  bitterness  of  political  j)rejudice  together 
with  the  antagonism  of  English  and  Scotch 
churhmen,  of  which  latter  there  were  always 
many  in  the  colony. 

The  condition  of  things,  however,  was  without 
question,  bad  enough.  To  this  the  testimony  is 
very  abundant.  Some  of  the  clergy  also  were 
extremely  illiterate  and  in  no  way  qualified  for 
their  high  duties,  by  which  also  they  destroyed 
their  power  for  good.  Marvel  was  even  expressed 
how  some  of  them  could  ever  have  obtained  or- 
dination, Maryland,  by  the  privileges  and  the 
security  it  enjoyed,  was  made  to  suffer  ills  that 
other  colonies  escaped.  The  establishment  was 
not  an  unmixed  good. 

The  statement  above  made  that  the  antagonism  of 
persons  had  something  to  do  in  giving  color  to  the 
reputation  of  the  Maryland  clergy  at  this  time,  is 
eminently  justified  in  the  history  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  second  commissary  of  the  colony,  the 
Rev.  Jacob  Henderson.  The  Rev.  Henry  Hall, 
the  first  rector  of  St,  James'  Parish,  had,  before 
Mr.  Henderson,  been  appointed  commissary  of 
the  whole  colony,  but  had  declined  the  honor 
absolutely.  This  was  given  at  the  time  as  the 
only  reason  why  Gov.  Hart  did  not  suggest  his 
name  to  the  Bishop  of  London  for  appointment 
in  place  of  Mr.  Henderson.  He  was  a  man  of 
very  great  force  of  character,  and  also  apparently 
of  considerable  temper  ;  as  we  find  him,  soon 
after  coming  into  the  parish,  going  to  Quaker 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  85 

meeting,  and  upon  being-  insulted,  threatening  to 
trounce  the  offenders.  His  administration  of  the 
parish  was  very  successful,  for  the  church  emi- 
nently prospered,  and  there  is  no  evidence  of 
such  wrangling  and  disputing  as  we  find  in  sub- 
sequent periods.  The  congregation  loved  and 
cherished  the  church. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Henderson,  the  new  commis- 
sary, was  a  man  not  unlike  Mr.  Hall  in  tem- 
perament, but  also,  he  was  im^^erious  and  not  in- 
disposed to  magnify  his  office  ;  a  good  man,  who 
afterwards  came  to  be  highly  honored,  and  in  the 
administration  of  his  parish  was  highly  success- 
ful ;  also  in  the  use  of  his  private  fortune  he  was 
very  generous.  He  enjoys  the  honor  of  having 
hacl  erected  to  his  memory  in  the  church  of  his 
former  cure,  a  commemorative  window,  an  honor 
which  probably  Mr.  Hall  alone  shares  with  him 
of  all  the  clergy  of  that  day.  Though  commis- 
sioned in  1715,  we  do  not  find  him  assuming  the 
duties  of  his  office  till  1717.  There  had  been  no 
commissary  since  Dr.  Bray's  time  in  the  colony. 
Mr.  Henderson  having  convened  the  clergy,  at  the 
very  first  meeting  there  began  a  feud  between 
these  men,  which  continued  to  be  a  matter  of  dis- 
turbance for  years,  in  the  midst  of  which  crimi- 
nation and  recrimination  were  freely  indulged 
in.  According  to  the  record  Mr.  Henderson 
called  upon  the  clergy  present  to  j)roduce  their 
letters  of  ordination  and  license  ;  and  ui^on  Mr. 
Hall's  doing  so  the  commissary  put  the  papers 
in  his  bag,  to  examine  them  at  his  leisure.  This 
Mr.  Hall  immediately  resented,  demanding  the 
return  of  his  property,  saying,  "that  if  the 
Bishop   of    London,    or   even   the   king   himself 


86  CHURCH  LIFE 

should  230S.sess  himself  of  his  property  he  would 
resist  the  usurpation."  The  comuiissary  refused 
to  restore  them  and  Mr.  Hall  caused  a  warrant 
to  be  issued  for  their  recovery.  At  this,  of 
course,  Mr.  Henderson  was  deeply  offended  and 
the  whole  matter  was  carried  before  the  Bishop 
of  London  whom  Mr.  Henderson  thought  to  be 
insulted  in  his  person.  The  Governor  of  the 
colony  and  the  clergy  generally,  took  sides  with 
Mr.  Hall,  the  Governor  particularly  bearing- 
witness  to  the  Bishop  of  his  great  worth.  The 
BishojT  in  his  reply  justified  Mr.  Hall,  and 
promised  that  if  Mr.  Henderson  should  i^ersist  in 
being  troublesome  to  his  brethren  he  "would 
take  proper  means  to  give  satisfaction,  j^^rticu- 
larly  to  Mr.  Hall,  whose  character  I  am  so  well 
pleased  with.'' 

The  feud,  however,  reached  such  proportions 
that  in  1718  when  the  attempt  was  made  to 
strengthen  the  disciplinary  power  of  the  Bishop 
by  securing  the  recognition  of  the  same  by  the 
colonial  legislature,  it  Avas  represented  to  Mr. 
Henderson  by  his  brethren  that  his  cause  must 
cease  and  the  cliarges  against  Mr.  Hall  be 
absolutely  withdrawn ;  probalily  because  it  was 
feared  that  if  Mr.  Henderson  was  to  be  the  one 
to  administer  discipline  for  the  Bishop  his 
conduct  to  Mr.  Hall  could  not  commend  the  plan. 
The  attempt,  however,  failed,  and  Mr.  Henderson 
X^robably  was  largely  the  cause  of  it,  for  the 
measure  had  strong  supporters.  The  commissary 
at  this  time  was  very  unpopular  with  both  clergy 
and  laity,  and  complaints  of  different  kinds  were 
brought  against  him,  His  loyalty  to  the  church 
was   questioned,    and   he   seems   to    have    been 


IX  COLOXIAL  MARYLAND.  87 

generally  reprehended..  His  difficnlty  with  Mr. 
Hall  for  years  rankled  in  liim.  Old  age,  however, 
seems  at  last  to  have  mellowed  his  spirit  and 
time  has  done  much  for  his  memory.  He  died 
in  the  year  1751 ;  but  for  seventeen  years  he  had 
ceased  to  do  the  duties  of  his  office.  In  1730  he 
had  been  made  commissary  of  the  whole  province. 
He  was  the  last  one  to  bear  the  commission  ;  as 
it  w^as  found  to  be  practically  prohtless  for  any 
good  purpose. 

It  was  in  1717  the  commissary  issued  the 
following  enquiries,  prepared  by  the  Bishop  of 
London,  which  were  to  be  answered  by  the 
church  wardens  under  oath.  They  were  of  a 
nature  to  excite  Jealousy  and  antagonism  in  all 
quarters,  and  would  now  appear  to  us  exceed- 
ingly unwise.  Similar  questions  issued  since 
our  ecclesiastical  independence,  have  excited 
much  bitterness.  These  enquiries  were  arranged 
under  five  titles,  the  first  of  which  bore  upon  the 
performance  of  his  duties  by  the  minister,  and 
demanded  of  the  church  w^ardens  wiietlier  he  was 
of  sober  life  and  conversation,  whether  he  was 
diligent  in  the  instruction  of  children,  whether 
he  faithfully  observed  the  laws  and  rubrics  of 
the  church,  duly  administered  Holy  Communion, 
gave  faithful  attention  to  the  care  of  the 
parish,  and  read  the  canons,  thirty  nine  articles, 
&c.,  as  appointed.  The  second  enquiry  was 
about  the  condition  and  care  of  the  church 
building  and  furniture.  The  third  was  about 
the  morals  of  the  people  of  the  iDarish,  and  their 
attendance  upon  worship,  and  demeanor  in 
church,  and  also  as  to  persons  above  sixteen 
years  old  receiving  the  Holy  Communion  three 


88  CHURCH  LIFE 

times  a  year;  for  as  confirmation  was  not  admin- 
istered in  tlie  colony,  an  age  liad  been  fixed  when 
persons  were  expected  to  present  themselves  to 
commune.  Also  enquiry  was  made  about  the 
heads  of  families  refusing  to  send  their  children 
and  servants  to  be  catechised.  The  fourth  title 
covered  the  matter  of  the  faithfulness  of  church 
officers,  while  the  fifth  sought  into  other  matters, 
such  as  the  faithfulness  of  schoolmasters 
where  there  were  any,  the  vestry's  faithfulness 
to  their  trust  of  tobacco  on  hand,  and  other 
things  not  included  under  the  other  heads. 

Such  an  examination  could  not  fail  to  excite 
much  opposition,  especially  as  it  is  said  there  was 
a  good  deal  of  scepticism  and  immorality  in  the 
colony  at  the  time,  the  foi-mer  particularly  in 
high  c[uarters;  qualities  that  do  not  favor  the  too 
prying  eyes  of  the  church.  Beside  that,  it  could 
only  excite  antagonism  without  correcting  the 
evil.  For  though  the  queries  might  be  pro- 
pounded they  could  not  be  made  legally  effec- 
tive. The  ordinary  might  through  his  agent 
learn  of  the  trouble,  of  the  delinquency  of  which 
the  rector  or  the  church  officers  might  be  guilty, 
or  of  the  neglect  of  the  parishioners  to  attend  to 
their  various  duties ;  but  there  his  jurisdiction 
ended,  and  as  we  have  seen,  the  attempt  made  in 
the  following  year  to  secure  to  the  Bishop 
power  in  the  premises,  failed.  The  commissary' s 
authority  therefore  excited  a  great  deal  more 
doubt  and  jealousy  than  it  did  good.  It  was, 
however,  in  some  degree  a  bond  of  union  for  the 
clergy  of  the  colony.  It  brought  them  together 
from  time  to  time.  It  in  some  measure  restrained 
the  liability  of  the  clergy  to  fall  into  excesses. 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  89 

The  ronniiissary  could  exhort  and  denounce,  and 
so  far  place  a  delinquent  rector  under  the  ban, 
and  in  various  things  he  could  give  instruction 
in  those  matters  which  an  isolated  minister,  how- 
ever conscientious,  is  apt  to  lose  sight  of.  For  it 
requires  a  moment's  ctmsideration  to  enable  us 
to  realize  the  condition  of  things  at  that  time. 
The  parishes  Avere  sometimes  forty  or  fifty  miles 
long,  and  in  one  case  the  re^^ort  was  made  that 
the  parish  was  forty  miles  square.  In  another 
instance  the  report  states  the  length  as  sixty 
miles.  The  parishes  also  were  sparsely  settled, 
sometimes  not  averaging  one  family  to  the  square 
mile.  The  clergy  also  were  very  poor  as  a  rule, 
and  the  facilities  for  communication  Avith  the 
outside  world  small.  In  such  a  state  of  things  it 
is  readily  seen  that  a  convocation  of  the  clergy 
from  time  to  time  would  be  a  great  blessing, 
affording  intercourse  with  their  brethern,  while 
a  commissary,  who  had  a  kind  heart  and  good 
judgement,  would  l)e  able  to  direct  their  attention 
to  many  things  that,  in  the  retreats  of  their  own 
cures,  would  never  occur  to  them.  Even  with 
our  modern  opportunities  a  convocation  of  the 
scattered  ministers  of  a  diocese,  is  found  to  be  of 
great  value  in  broadening  the  sympathies  and 
extending  the  reach  of  thought.  With  no  cur- 
rent literature,  and  with  few  standard  works, 
(for  libraries  were  not  universal  and  in  many 
cases  very  small),  the  clergy  had  but  few  of  the 
opportunities  for  culture  and  occupation  which 
fall  to  our  lot.  The  absence  of  such  may  be  one 
explanation  of  why  various  of  them  fell  into 
unfortunate  habits.  Besides  the  standard  of 
learning  was  far  lower  and  the  scrutiny  into  the 


90  CHURCH  LIFE 

life  much  less  for  those  who  would  enter  the 
ministry  then  than  now;  and  many  men  entered 
holy  orders  who  could  have  been  kept  in  right 
courses  only  by  the  loftiest  zeal  or  the  circum- 
stances of  a  high  state  of  society.  In  the  isolation 
of  a  Maryland  jDarish  and  amidst  a  generally  rude 
people  it  is  no  marvel  that  some  fell  away  from 
rectitude.  Also  it  will  be  seen  that  to  forbid  the 
clergy  to  assemble,  as  was  afterwards  done,  was 
in  every  way  a  calamity. 


IX  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  91 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE   PARISH. 

Returning  to  matters  more  strictly  parocliial ; 
from  the  year  of  the  full  establishment  of  the 
church  we  find  many  things  that  strongly  attract 
the  attention.  Amongst  these  ranks  eminently 
the  collection  of  libraries  which  the  first 
commissary  so  freely  dispensed  to  the  various 
l)arislies.  These,  as  we  have  seen,  varied  very 
greatly  in  numbers  ;  among  the  thirty  given  one 
numbering  as  many  as  a  thousand  and  ninety-five 
volumes,  and  another  only  two.  Others  got  ten, 
fifteen,  forty,  sixty,  one,  two  or  three  hundred ; 
the  distribution  being  as  far  as  can  be  perceived, 
without  any  definite  rule  ;  which  w^as  the  more 
remarkable  as  the  books  were  for  the  use  of  the 
minister,  and  therefore  as  much  needed  in  one 
X)lace  as  in  another.  Dr.  Bray's  beneficence  was 
limited  only  by  his  ability,  and  he  must  have 
been  controlled  by  circumstances  of  which  we 
are  now  ignorant.  The  books  were  given  in 
charge  of  the  minister  of  the  parish  ;  who  was  to 
submit  them  from  time  to  time  to  the  vestry  for 
examination.  The  governor  also  had  the  2^0 wer 
to  appoint  a  visitor  to  inspect ;  and  upon  the 
discovery  of  neglect  or  loss  the  rector  could  be 


92  CHURCH  LIFE 

sued  for  the  damage  done.  Some  of  the  books 
are  still  in  existence  in  various  places ;  though 
after  having  been  cared  for  faithfully  during  the 
whole  colonial  period,  in  the  days  of  disorder 
after  the  Revolution  they  became  scattered  and 
many  of  them  have  perished. 

The  number  that  came  to  St.  James'  parish  in 
1698  was  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  volumes, 
twenty  of  them  being  in  folio,  nineteen  in  quarto 
and  the  remainder  in  octavo.  Most  of  them  were 
in  English,  though  a  few  were  in  Latin.  Nor 
were  they  exclusively  theological,  but  embraced 
also  a  small  number  of  historical  and  scientific 
works.  In  theology,  however,  the  collection 
was  rich,  and  was  as  comprehensive  as  that 
number  of  volumes  could  well  be  made.  Some 
of  them  were  given  by  their  authors ,  and  a 
review  of  the  dates  of  publication  will  surprise 
one  at  the  activity  of  that  time.  What  an 
immense  convenience  and  comfort  they  were  to 
the  parochial  clergy  of  Maryland  can  readily  be 
imagined. 

Previous  to  the  reception  of  these  books,  it 
had  been  the  intention  of  somebody  to  donate 
various  books,  through  the  governor,  to  the 
parishes,  as  will  appear  from  the  following 
section  of  a  proclamation  of  January,  1697(0.  S) ; 
"I  do  also  in  his  majestie's  name  command  yt 
ye  vestry  of  each  res^^ective  parish  return  me 
under  their  hands  by  ye  next  provinciall  court 
or  sooner,  a  full  account  of  what  great  church 
Bibles,  common  prayer  bookes,  and  bookes  of 
homely s  they  have  not  received  from  me  as  a 
gift  to  their  parish  ;  foure  ordinary  Bibles,  four 
of  ye  Rev'd  Doct.  Williams'  catechisms,  sticht, 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  93 

as  alsoe  four  of  his  Lawfullness  of  Common 
Prayer,  Worship),  etc.,  sticlit,  and  one  Whole 
Dutty  of  Man.  And  if  they  did  not  receive  one 
ye  Revd.  Doct.  Bray's  Catecheticall  Lectures. 
All  persons  to  whom  this  is  directed,  are  not  to 
faile  to  comply  with  these  my  commands,  as  they 
will  answer  to  ye  contrary  at  tlieire  perrill. 

Signed.  Ff  Nicholson." 

The  vestry  escaped  the  "  i3errill "  by  replying 
immediately  that  they  had  not  received  church 
Bibles  or  any  other  books  from  the  liberality  of 
the  unknown  donor. 

They  did,  however,  in  1703  receive  a  second 
invoice  from  the  Rev.  Dr.  Bray,  containing 
seventeen  different  lots ;  among  which  was  a 
number  of  Bibles,  prayer  books,  catechetical 
lectures,  sermons  and  tracts.  The  tracts  were 
for  free  distribution,  while  the  Bibles,  j^rayer 
books,  lectures  and  sermons  were  to  be  put  in 
the  pews  to  be  used  by  the  congregation  before 
or  during  service.  The  tracts,  lectures  and 
sermons,  were  of  the  most  j)ractical  character 
and  well  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the  community. 
Nor  was  this  the  only  provision  made  for  such 
an  object ;  for  besides  one  or  two  smaller  gifts  of 
books  we  find  mention  made  in  1709  of  a  legacy 
of  twenty  pounds  sterling  from  Mr.  James  Rigbie, 
(a  vestryman  and  otherwise  a  distinguished 
patron  of  the  jiarish,  as  we  shall  see)  ''tobe  laid 
out  in  good  and  godly  books."  Whether  the 
vestry  ever  recovered  this  amount  from  the 
executor  is  not  so  certain,  for  we  have  repeated 
notices  of  their  endeavors  to  do  so.  The  gift 
shows,  however,  a  strong  desire  to  counteract 
the  existence  of  scei^ticism,  and  the  bad  influence 


94  CHURCH  LIFE 

of  sceptical  works ;  the  use  of  which  had  been 
fashionable  in  the  colonies  as  well  as  in  England 
now  for  many  years.  It  shows  also  that  the 
back- woods  of  Maryland  was  not  a  dreary  waste, 
but  that  intellectually,  morally  and  spiritually 
there  were  good  men  in  work  and  prayer 
endeavoring  to  x)romote  the  cause  of  God  and  of 
man. 

Another  item  of  interest  is  the  donations  that 
were  from  time  to  time  through  this  period 
made  to  the  support  and  more  proper  ordering 
of  the  church.  It  would  be  naturally  sui^posed 
that,  provision  being  made  by  law,  individual 
efforts  would  hardly  be  called  out.  The 
fact  that  the  sheriff  made  his  regular  call 
upon  the  planter  and  everyone  else,  and 
demanded  the  tax  for  his  family  and  household, 
would  put  to  sleep,  one  would  think,  all  more 
kindly  consideration ;  and  the  minister,  as 
appointed  under  the  law  without  the  parishioners' 
consent  would  be  left  to  be  provided  for  by  the 
law.  But  such  was  not  the  fact.  Personal  care 
and  attention  were  bestowed  upon  the  matter, 
so  that  in  a  report  of  twenty  jmrishes,  made  in 
]724,  thir_teen  had  glebes,  others  x)Ossibly  might 
have  had  them  had  the  will  of  *the  testators  been 
in  all  cases  carried  out ;  for  in  1722  a  bill  was 
passed  by  the  assembly  providing  that  hence- 
forth, if  the  purpose  of  the  deceased  could  be 
be  clearly  made  out  from  his  will,  any  informal- 
ity should  not  prevent  the  church  from  receiving 
the  property  devised.  For  glebes  were  almost 
always  of  private  gift,  though  the  law  provided 
that  where  there  was  a  sufficient  accumidation 
of    the    clerical   tax   during  a  vacancy  in  the 


ly  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  95 

rectorsliip  of  a  parish,  it  should  be  applied  to 
the  buying  and  stocking  of  glebes.  Though  as 
this  was  not  the  onh''  use  to  which  it  could  be 
ajiplied,  but  to  the  building  and  re2:)airing  of 
churches  as  well,  as  was  done  in  St.  James  in 
1695,  it  is  likely  that  but  few,  if  any  glebes  were 
purchased.  Some  of  these  tracts  of  land  had 
been  given  even  before  the  act  of  establishment, 
men  in  the  earlier  desolation  yearning  for  the 
preaching  of  the  word.  There  are  parishes  in 
Maryland  to-day  that  are  in  as  full  a  degree  or 
more  supx^orted  hy  the  gifts  of  those  olden  times 
as  they  are  by  the  contributions  of  this  present 
generation.  In  some  instances  indeed  the 
present  generation  does  nothing,  the  generosity 
of  other  days  affording  the  whole  support  of  the 
minister  of  the  parish  ;  though  worse  than  this 
"again,  there  have  been  generations  since  those 
times  that  have  alienated,  such  church  projierty 
for  some  i)assing  demand  rather  than  give  of  their 
own  means  for  the  purpose. 

Among  the  parishes  that  received  such  substan- 
tial tokens  of  loving  regard  was  St.  James,  and 
that  in  no  scant  measure.  The  first  gift  in  land 
it  received,  is  noticed  in  the  year  1700,  and  came 
by  will  from  a  vestryman,  James  Rigbie,  and  his 
wife,  the  same  who  donated  the  twenty  j^ounds 
sterling  for  books  for  the  parish.  The  tract 
contained  one  hundred  acres,  and  included  what 
is  now  in  the  possession  of  the  church,  though 
forty  acres  have  been  alienated  since  his  day. 
It  was  the  loving  act  of  husband  and  wife  sepa- 
rately, each  contributing  one  half  the  amount. 
A  second  donation  was  made  of  a  farm  of  over 
seven  hundred  acres  originally,  known  as  Wrigh- 


96  CHURCH  LIFE 

ton,  lying  upon  the  Patnxent  river,  the  gift  by 
will  of  Nicholas  Turrett,  also  one  of  the  first 
vestrymen.  The  will  was  dated  1696,  though 
mention  is  first  made  of  the  land  in  1719,  the 
church  having  had  a  reversionary  right  according 
to  its  terms.  This  tract  long  continued  in 
possession  of  the  parish,  though  it  was  never 
apparently  very  profitable.  It  has  since  been 
sold,  having  dwindled  away  to  about  five  hun- 
dred acres,  and  the  proceeds  invested  otherwise, 
yielding  to-day  a  revenue.  By  the  terms 
of  Mr.  Turrett' s  will  this  property  was  left 
to  the  parish  for  the  use  of  the  minister,  while 
the  glebe  about  the  church  was  left  to  the 
minister  of  the  i)arish. 

What  the  two  legacies  have  been  to  St.  James 
it  is  impossible  to  estimate.  There  have  been 
jDeriods  in  the  i^ast  when  the  very  life  of  the 
parish  has  been  dependent  upon  them.  Those 
two  old  men  built  better  than  they  knew.  The 
parish  from  the  scarcity  of  parishioners,  or  from 
the  stringency  of  the  times,  or  from  the  lake- 
warmness  of  the  jjeople,  has  been  occasionally 
almost  ready  to  die,  as  some  parishes  in  Mary- 
land have  died,  or  have  only  a  name  to  live. 
The  income  from  these  sources  has,  however, 
tided  it  over  its  difficulties,  and  when  times  have 
brightened,  has  given  a  basis  for  the  assurance 
of  hope  to  those  who  loved  and  prized  the  old 
name  and  its  memories,  as  well  as  the  great  cause 
of  which  it  had  always  been  the  j)owerful  instru- 
ment. The  income  has  been  enough  to  excite 
confidence,  but  never  enough  to  cripple  effort; 
and  the  result  has  been,  that  while  in  the  rural 
parishes  of  Maryland  frequent  changes  of  min- 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  97 

isters  have  taken  place,  St.  James  is  marked  for 
the  comparatively  long  duration  of  the  residence 
of  many  of  its  pastors.  It  is  also  worthy  of 
remark  that  the  period  of  such  generosity  was 
the  very  early  one  of  the  first  decade  after  the 
passage  of  the  iirst  act  of  Establishment,  and 
that  from  that  day  down  to  this,  such  generosity 
has  never  been  emulated.  The  parish  has  had 
many  good  and  excellent  men,  who  have  done 
their  duty  generously,  according  to  the  passing 
demand;  but  no  one  in-  the  whole — nearly  two 
hundred  years  since  that  time — has  done  any- 
thing of  substantial  moment  for  the  permanent 
welfare  of  the  church.  Other  acts  of  considerate 
affection  have  been  done,  as  the  gift  of  a  bell  in 
1706,  and  various  pieces  of  plate,  as  we  shall 
hereafter  see,  but  since  the  year  17(»(»  no  one  has 
sought  to  associate  his  name  with  the  permanent 
life  of  the  parish.  Why  that  period  should 
have  been  so  marked  it  is  difficult  to  say.  It 
suggests,  however,  that  the  church  as  established, 
was  something  very  dear  to  the  hearts  of  some  of 
the  j)eople;  and  that  there  was,  as  all  the  records 
prove,  a  high  degree  of  piety  in  the  backwoods 
of  Maryland,  a  love  for  the  church  and  her 
ways;  for  worldly  men  do  not  make  such  contri- 
butions to  the  cause  of  religion. 

We  have  seen  how  the  Establishment  was 
provided  for,  and  the  support  of  the  clergy 
secured.  While  this  in  the  beginning  was  gen- 
erally acquiesced  in,  the  Quakers  and  Roman 
Catholics  alone  apparently  offering  virulent 
opposition,  and  acquiesced  in  because  it  was 
recognized  as  being  the  best  possible  thing  under 
the  circumstances,  yet  as  time  went  on  and  thn 


98  CHURCH  LIFE 

recollection  of  the  iirst  benefits  wore  away,  the 
system  was  made  to  encounter  a  good  many  diffi- 
culties. In  the  first  place,  trouble  frequently 
aroso  between  the  clergy  and  the  people,  with 
the  result  of  trials  at  law,  which  were  made  some- 
times to  dragon  for  years,  or  even  carried  by  ap- 
peal to  England ;  the  result  of  which  was,  of  course, 
an  alienation  between  pastor  and  people.  The 
members  of  the  vestry  were  protected  in  their 
private  estates  in  such  suits,  as  was  right;  but 
the  efl'ect  was,  that  sometimes,  with  unpopular 
men,  forced  upon  them  by  the  governor,  they 
were  reckless  about  going  into  such  litigation, 
and  having  no  personal  responsibility,  were  a 
little  too  much  disposed  to  hector  the  parsons. 
As  it  happened,  they  sometimes  met  a  worthy 
antagonist  and  the  result  was  unfortunate,  as 
neither  knew  how  to  yield 

From  the  very  beginning  such  difficulties 
arose,  though  of  course  they  frequently  were 
easily  adjusted,  with  good  will  on  each  side. 
The  first  rector  of  St.  James  in  the  commence- 
ment of  his  rectorship,  had  such  a  trouble.  It 
seemed  to  be  a  feeling  entertained  by  many  of 
the  parsons  that  under  the  law  they  were  entitled 
to  the  whole  income  of  the  year  in  which  they 
were  inducted,  though  a  portion  of  it  had  already 
expired  when  they  began  their  ministry.  The 
rector  of  St.  James  under  this  impression,  claimed 
the  whole  tax  for  the  year  1698,  and  the  vestry, 
after  consideration,  ordered  it  to  be  paid  to  him, 
on  the  condition  that  should  it  be  found  an  error 
of  interpretation  the  amount  would  be  refunded. 
Upon  the  determination  of  the  matter  the  deci- 
sion   was    in    favor    of     the    vestry,    and    the 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  99 

rector  promptly  complied  with  the  agreement. 
But  it  was  not  only  between  pastor  and  people 
that  difficulties  arose.  It  was  also  between  the 
clergy  and  laity  of  the  colony.  For  there  probably 
never  was  perfect  confidence  on  the  part  of  either 
in  the  other,  that  perfect  harmony  that  made  all 
relations  smooth.  It  was  only  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics who  were  disfranchised,  and  consequently 
there  w^ere  alw^ays  found  in  the  Assembly  of 
Maryland  many  non-conformists;  the  number  in 
1718  being  said  to  be  about  one-third.  In  the  be- 
ginning all  such  had  welcomed  the  Establishment 
as  the  best  possible  thing  for  the  colony;  but 
now^  the  clergy  always  beheld  in  them,  and 
doubtless  with  some  reason,  an  occasion  for 
anxiety,  believing  that  if  in  any  way  the  friends 
of  the  Establishment  became  divided,  this 
minority  would  be  used  against  the  Church.  In 
the  last  days  of  the  colony,  when  x^olitics  ran 
very  high,  such  a  danger  became  very  imminent, 
and  a  great  champion  of  the  church,  Mr. 
Boucher,  had  to  remind  certain  x^i'ominent  jjoli- 
ticians  that  though  churchmen  and  vestrymen, 
they  were  most  inconsistently,  by  their  influence, 
leagued  with  the  force  of  the  opposition.  It  was 
this  jealousy  and  fear  doubtless  that  stimulated 
the  cry,  so  often  raised  about  the  time  above 
given  and  afterwards,  of  the  attempts  to  starve 
out  the  clergy  by  the  division  of  x>ai'ishes.  Even 
the  best  men  raised  this  cry.  That  it  was  with- 
out reason  we  may  well  believe,  in  most  if  not  all 
cases;  for  the  division  of  the  parishes  must  have 
by  this  time  become  necessary  in  various  portions 
of  the  colony,  from  the  large  increase  of  x)opula- 
tion  and  the  demand  for  more  x^laces  of  worship, 


100  CHURCH  LIFE 

and  of  course  more  ministers.  But  the  clergy 
could  not  always  see  that,  and  sometimes  it  was 
a  great  grievance,  as  to  divide  made  the  revenue 
so  small  that  the  alternative  was  to  vacate  or 
starve. 

This  minority  V)ecame.  also,  formidable  on 
other  occasions;  for  unless  the  majority  was 
united  the  balance  of  power  was  with  it.  But 
majorities  are  not  likely  to  be  always  united. 
Security  itself  is  apt  to  breed  occasions  of  dis- 
traction and  separation,  by  new  issues  arising. 
So  the  clergy  felt  and  saw,  and  apprehended 
with  good  reason.  For  if  it  were  a  question  of 
strengthening  the  Bishop'  shands  for  discipline, 
the  minority  could  be  relied  upon  to  prevent  it. 
If  it  were  a  question  of  reducing  the  clergy's 
salar}',  they  were  trustworthy  coadjutors.  If  it 
were  a  question  of  erecting  a  court,  violating  the 
idea  of  Episcopacy,  for  trying  clergymen;  the 
voice  of  the  minority  was  ready,  as  they  knew 
nothing  of  the  idea  of  Episcopacy  except  to 
abominate  it.  And  this  continued  through  the 
whole  period  of  the  existence  of  the  Establish- 
ment, so  that  the  clergy  could  never  enjoy  per- 
fect quietness  and  peace.  As  to  the  reduction  of 
their  salaries  by  the  reduction  of  the  tax,  that 
was  a  matter  never  for  many  years  truly  at  rest; 
because  it  was  readily  presented  as  a  popular 
measure,  the  people  being  always  desirous  of  a 
reduction  in  taxation.  Also,  it  could  be  with 
great  plausibility  urged  and  defended  by  repre- 
senting many  of  the  salaries  as  excessively  large, 
and  also  by  seizing  upon  two  or  three  unusually 
prosperous  seasons,  such  as  tobacco  planter.^ 
have  from  time  immemorial   had,   when   prices 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  101 

mnoecl  high  ;  the  popular  mind  being  oblivions 
of  the  fact  that  snch  seasons  are  always  followed 
by  years  of  depression.  It  is  true  the  colonial 
authorities  attempted  to  prevent  this  variation 
by  limiting  the  supply  through  fixing  thn  amount, 
so  much  for  each  laborer,  to  be  raised  on  each 
plantation.  This  probably  was  effective,  as  far 
as  it  went,  for  it  continued  to  be  the  practice  for 
years  ;  and  counters  were  regularly  appointed  by 
the  vestries,  the  appointing  power  under  the  law. 
Good  care,  however,  was  ta^'en  that  the  clergy 
should  not  profit  by  this  ordinancey,  for  a  price 
was  fixed  for  commutation,  so  that  with  tobacco 
very  high,  the  planters  w^ould  pay  over  to  the 
sheriff  for  the  parson's  use  cash  or  grain,  and  with 
it  low  the  tax  was  ]:)aid  in  the  long  leatVd  cur- 
rency. The  clergy  did  not,  however,  always  have 
to  contend  alone  in  this  matter,  for  the  people 
became  as  much  irritated  against  various  colonial 
officers  on  account  of  their  excessive  fees,  as 
against  the  clergy  ;  and  with  better  reason  .  for 
charges  in  the  various  offices  were  generally  very 
extravagant.  A  provision  for  commutation,  then, 
affected  them  as  much  as  it  did  the  parsons,  and 
without  much  affection,  may  be,  for  the  clergy's 
cause,  these  influential  men  were  sometimes 
found  united  with  the  clergy  in  the  same  battle. 
The  difference  in  the  value  of  parishes  was  great, 
some  yielding  from  four  to  Ave  times  as  much  as 
others,  some  in  1707  paying  only  about  one  hun- 
dred pounds,  while  the  cost  of  living  in  the  mat- 
ter of  all  things  brought  from  abroad  was  very 
high.  The  clergy  from  time  to  time  complained 
that  when  they  were  paid  in  tobacco  it  was  only 
in  the  inferior  grades  ;  for,  so  that  it  was  mer- 


102  CHURCH  LIFE 

cliantable  it  seems  to  have  Deen  receivable. 
We  have  seen  how  parish  expenses  were  to 
"be  paid,  by  a  special  levy  for  that  purpose  from 
year  to  year,  granted  by  the  county  court  to  the 
parish  aj^plying.  The  amount  of  this  levy 
varied,  but  was  never  over  ten  pounds  per  poll, 
the  amount  provided  for  in  the  act  of  1702, 
Sometimes  the  vestry  immediately  put  in  the 
application,  but  sometimes  they  acted  only  for 
parishioners  who  were  first  called  upon  to  decide 
what  ought  to  be  done  and  what  amount  of  tax 
might  be  necessary.  The  county  court  also  had 
the  power  of  granting  or  refusing;  a  liberty  they 
sometimes  exercised,  in  obedience  jDossibly  to 
some  passing  jealousy  of  the  people  at  some 
supposed  recklessness  in  the  vestry.  The  earlier 
law  of  1699  gave  the  vestry  itself  the  power  of 
assessing  for  this  purpose,  betraying  an  amount 
of  conlidence  which  a  cooler  after-judgement 
seems  to  have  modified.  As  current  expenses 
meant  not  only  the  keeping  of  the  church  and 
chapel  yard  in  a  decent  and  j)roper  condition, 
but  also  renovating,  restoring  and  rebuilding,  as 
for  instance,  a  vestry  house  when  there  was 
occasion,  the  amount  asked  for  and  obtained 
was  not  excessive.  The  whole  plan  of  the 
Establishment  was  an  economical  one  as  com- 
pared with  our  later  schemes  ;  one  of  its  virtues 
being  that  none  could  shirk  duty  as  many  do 
now,  but  all  had  to  bear  a  fair  proportion  of 
the  burden.  The  only  drawback  was  that  some, 
though  less  than  one-third,  of  the  people  who 
worshiped  in  other  places  and  derived  no  spiritual 
benefit  from  the  Establishment,  had  to  pay  a 
like   proportion    witli    everybody    else    to    the 


IK  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  103 

Establishment.  It  seemed  like  a  hardship ; 
though  the  indirect  benefits  in  the  good  order 
and  elevation  of  society,  to  which  the  church 
ministered  as  no  other  body  could,  doubtless 
compensated  for  any  amount  so  levied  u^Don  non- 
conformists. 


104  CHURCH  LIFE 


1698.    BooKES  Received  by  ye  Reverend  Mr. 
Henry  Hall,  ye of  May. 

A  catalogue  of  Bookes  belonging  to  ye  library 
of  St.  James'  parish  in  Ann  Arrundel  county  in 
Maryland,  sent  by  ye  Reverend  Dr.  Bray,  and 
marked  thus  :  belonging  to  ye  library  of  Herring 
Creeke Ann  Arrundel  county. 

bookes  in  folio — twenty. 

PRINTED  IN 

1  Biblia  Sacra,  &c.,  ab  imp.  Tremellio 

and  Fran.  Juno,  &c.  1603 

2  Poll  Synopsis  Criticorum,  vol.  4  in 

libr'sS  1696 

B  Dr.  Hammond  upon  ye  New  Testa- 
ment 1696 

4  The  Cambridge  Concordance  1698 

5  Mr.  Hookers  Ecclesiasticall  Politie 

in  8  bookes  1682 

6  dementis  Recognition  :  libri  10  &c. 

Opus  eruditit    D:    Irenai :    epis: 

Lugd  advs,  Hares :  &c.  lib.  5  1526 

7  Dr.  Jeremiah  Taylor's  Ductor  Dubi- 

tantium  1660 

8  Bishop    Pearson    on    ye    Apostles 

Creed  1683 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  105 

9  Bisliox)  Sanderson— 36  Discourses, 

life  and  preface  1689 

9  Bishop  Sanderson — 21  Discourses  16S6 

10  Philippi  a  Lamborcli  &c.,  Theologia 

Christiana  1695 

11  A:  B:  Tillotson's  workes  1696 

12  The  Jesuites  Morals  by  Dr.  Tonge  1679 
18  Du  Pins  Ecclesiasticall  History  vol. 

7,  books  3  1696 

14  A  view  of  Universall  History  from 

ye  creation  to  ye  yeare  1680  by 
Fran :  Tallents 

15  Thomaa    Aquinatis    summa    totius 

Theologie  in  3  P  :  B  :  1622 

16  Blomes  Geography  and  Cosmogra- 

phy translated  from  Yarenius  and 

taken  from  Mons  :  Sanson  1693 

17  Ludon  :  le  Blane  Theses  Theologies       1683 

18  Sir  Richard  Baker's  Cronicle  of  ye 

Kings  of  England  1696 

19  Q.  Sept.  Florentis  Tertuliani  opera 

qe.    hactenus   reperiri  potuerunt 
omnia  1590 

2(1  Dr.  Bray's  Catecheticall  Lectures 
vol.  Is't,  or  lectures  on  ye  Church 
Catechism  1697 

BOOKES  IN  QUARTO  MARKED  AS  ABOVE. 

1  Robertson:  Thesaurus  Greece  linguse       1676 

2  Ejusdem  Thesaurus  linguae  Sanctfe        1680 

3  Lingufe  Romana?   luculent :  novum 

Diction.  1693 

4  Luijts    (Johannis)    Introductio    ad 

Geographium  1692 

5  Ejusdem  Institutio  Astronomica  1695 


106  CHURCH  LIFE 

6  The  Holly  Bible  with  ye  Common 

Prayer  1696 

7  Francisci     Tnrrentini    Compendm. 

Theologian  1695 

8  Vict :  Bithneri  Lyra  Prophetica  1650 

9  Dr.  Parker' s  Demonstratio  of  ye  law 

of  nature  1681 

10  Dr.  Bray's  Bibliotheca  Parochialis       1697 

11  A:  B:  Leighton's    x^racticall    com- 

mentary on  ye  first  epistle  generall 
of  St.  Peter  in  2  vols,  first  in  1693 

second  in  1694 

12  Ejusden  Pr^lectiones  Theologicae  1693 

13  Dr.  Sherlock  Concerning  Providence       1697 

14  Dr.   Patrick's  Parable   of    ye  Pil- 
grime  1607 

15  Lord  B  :  p  :  of  London-Derry  Expo- 

sition on  ye  Ten  Commandments 

with  two  other  discourses  1692 

16  A  Commonplace  Booke  of  ye  Holly 

Bible  1697 

17  Dr.  Comber's  Church  History  clear- 

ed from  Roman  forgeries  1695 

18  Jonathan  Stolham'sReviler  rebuked       1657 

BOOKES  IN  OCTAVO — VIZ  : 

1  An  adridgm't  of   Sir  Walter  Ra- 

leigh's History  of   ye  world  in  5 
bookes  1698 

2  The  B  :  p  :  of  Bath  and  Wells  Com- 

mentary on  ye  5  bookes  of  Moses 

in  two  volumes  1694 

3  Dr.  Sherlock  on  Death  and  Judg- 

ment 1694 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAXD.  107 

4  Lovis  le  Comptes  Memoirs  and.  ob- 

servations 1697 

5  The  workes  of  ye  author  of  ye  whole 

dutty  of  man  in  two  volumes  1697 

6  Fran :  Paheopolitanns  Divine  Dia- 

logues 2  volumes  1668 

7  The  Septuagint  &c.  2  volumes  1665 

8  Sanct   Salvianus   De   Gubernatione 

Dei  &c.  1683 

9  Elis  de  Articulis :  39  Ecclesife  An- 

glican^e  1696 

10  The  plaine  man's  guide  to  Heaven  1697 

11  B  :  p  :  King  concerning  ye  iuAention 

of  men  in  ye  worship  of  God  169- 

12  The  Christian  Monitor  169- 
Mr.  Wake's  Preparation  for  death  168- 

13  Lactantii  opera  omnia  168- 

14  Episc :    Sanderson    de    Obligatione 

Conscientise  169- 

15  Idem  de  Juramento  promission.  16 — 

16  Daniel  Williams  of  gospell  truth.  1695 

17  Nath.  Spinckes  of  Trust  in  God  1696 

18  Reflections  upon  ye  bookes  of  Holly 

Scripture,  2  volumes  1688 

19  Mr.  Dodwell's  two  letters  of  advice  1691 

20  Xenophon    de     Institutione    Cyrii 

Gra^ce                                               ■  1698 

21  Henipin'  s  New  discovery  of  America  1698 

22  Dr.   Bates's  Harmony  of  ye  Divine 

attributes  1697 

23  A:  B:  Leigh  ton's  Discourses  1692 

24  Dr.  Comber  on  ye  Com' on  Prayer  1609 

25  An  Inquirev  after  Happiness  i^art 

ye  1st       "  1697 
25  An  Inquirev  after  Hapj^iness  part 

ve  2nd     "^  1696 


108  GHURCH  LIFE 

26  Part  ye  third  by  ye  author  of  praoti- 

call  Christianity  1697 

27  Dr.  Scotfs  Christian  life,  part  ve 

first,  vol  1st  "  1692 

and  part  ye  second  of  vol.  ye  second  169  i. 

28  Dr.  Connant's  Discourses  2  vols  1697 

29  Grotius  de  jure  Belli  et  Pacis  1651 

30  Dr.     Busbig's    Gr^ecfe    Graniatices 

Rudiment.  1693 

31  Dr.  Jereni.  Taylor  of   Holly  Living 

and  Dying  "^  1696 

32  Rays's    Wisdom     of     God    in     ye 

Workes  of  Creation  1692 

33  Dr.   Pierce  Pacificator :    Orthodoxo 

Theolog:    Corpuscul:  1685 

34  B:  P:  Burnets  Pastorall  (^are  1692 

35  P:    Lombardi    Sententiarum    libri . 

4:  Colonial  1609 

36  Doctor  Stradlings  Discourses  1692 

37  Theoph :    Dorington's   Family    De- 

votion, 4  vols.  1695 

38  Amesius  de  Conscienta  1631 

39  Dr.  Bray  of  ye  Baptismal  Covenant  1697 

40  Dr.  Falkner's  Vindication  of  Litur- 

gies 1681 

41  His  Libertas  Ecclesiastica  1683 

42  Ye  B:  P:  of  Bath  &  Wells   on    ye 

Church  Catechism  1686 

43  Clerici  Ars  Critica  1698 

44  Doct  Barron  on  ye  Apostles  Creed  1697 

45  The  Snake  in  ye  Grass  1698 

46  B:      p:      Stillingtleet       Concerning 

Christ's  Satisfaction  1697 

47  His  Vindication  of  ye  Doctrine   of 

ye  Trinity  1697 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  109 

48  His  Discourses,  2  volumes  1697 

49  A  Discourse  Concerning  Lent  in  2 

parts  1696 

50  William  Wilson  of   Religion  and 

ye  Resurrection  1694 

51  Dr.  Ashton  Concerning  Deatlibed- 

Repentance  1696 

52  H.    Stej^liani   Catecliismus  Grgeco- 

Latinus  1604 

53  Biblia  Yulgata   p.  Robertum   Ste- 

phanum  1555 

54  The  Life  and  Meditations  of  M:  A: 

Antoninus  R;  Emp.  1692 

55  Abba  dies  Vindication  of  ye  Trueth 

of  Xtian  Religion  part  1st  1694 

—  Abbadies  Vindication  of  ye  Truetli 

part  2d. 

56  The  Practicall  believer,  in  two  parts  ]  688 

57  Wingates  Arithmetic  1694 

58  Sr.    Math.    Hales    Contemplations 

Morall  and  Divine  in  2  parts  1695 

59  Fran:  Buggs  Picture  of  Quakerism 

in  2  parts  1697 

f  W.  A.  of  Divine  Assistance  1698 

I  His  Christian  Justification  stated        1670 
p.j    J  His  Animadversions  on  yt  p.t  of 
I      Robt.  Ferguson's  book*,  entitled 
I      ye  Interest  of  Reason  in  Reli- 
L     gion  VI' liich  treats  of  Justification      1676 

61  His  Serious  and  Friendly  Address 

to  ye  Xon-conformists  1693 

—  His  State  of  ye  Church  in  Future 

Ages  '  1684 

—  The  Mystery  of  iniquity  Unfolded         1675 

62  W:  A:  Catholicisme      "^  1683 


110  CHURCH  LIFE 

■ —  Tlie  Danger    of    Enthusiasm   Dis- 
covered 1674 
f  W.  A.  of  Humility  1681 
I  Of  ye  nature,  series  and  order  of 

63  ^      Occurences  1689 

His  pursuasion  to  Peace  and  Unity 

among  Xtians  1680 

64  The  First.       f      .  4=    \     -p  1698 

65  The  Second.      ^^  l^^^  ?^  ^}  ^'-  P^       1696 
m  The  Third.        Tillot^on  s  Discours- 

67  The  Fourth.  [  ^«  P^^^'  ^^^  ^^^  ^^^^^^       1697 
—  Dr.  Tillotson's  Rule  of  Faith  1670 

68  Dr  Stillingileet's  Reply  to  J.  S.  3rd 

Appendix  &c  1675 

69  The    Unreasonable:     of    Atheisme 

made  Manifest  1669 

70  Dr.  Hammond  de  Contirmatione  1665 

71  Dr.  Wake,    Concerning    Swearing, 

Duplicate  '  1696 

72  His  Discourses  on  Severall  Occasions  1697 
78  Dr.  Cockburn's  Fifteen  Discourses  169- 

73  Ascetecks  or  ye  Heroick  vertue  of 

ye  Ancient  Christian  Anchorites 

and  C^enobites  1691 

74  Theologica   Mistica  :    2   Discourses 

Concerning  Devine   Communica- 
tion to  Souls  Duly  Disposed  1697 

75  Dr.  Goodman's  Seven  Discourses  1697 

76  Dr.  Horneck's  Severall  Discourses 

upon  ye  fifth  chapter  of  Matthew, 

vol.  ye  1st.  1698 

77  Dr.  Felling's  Discourse  u^wn  Hu- 

mility 1694 

78  Concerning  Holliness  1695 

79  Concerning  ye  Existence  of  God  1696 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  Ill 

SO  Jno.  Ketlewells  Help  and  Exhorta- 
tion to  Worthy  Communicating  1696 

81  His  Five  Discourses  on  Practicall 

Religion  1696 

82  His  Measures  of  Christian  Obedience    1696 

83  Dr.  Hody  of  ye  Resurrection  of  ye 

Same  Body  1694 

84  Grotins     de    Veritate     Religionis 

Christiana  1675 

85  Mr.  John  Edwards'  Thoughts  Con- 

cerning ye   Severall  Causes  and 
Occasions  of  Atheism  

86  His  Socinianism  Unmasked  1696 
—  His  Discourse  Concerning  ye  Au- 
thority, Stile,  and  perfection  of  ye 

87  Old  &  New  Testament,   in  three 

vol:  1696 

(Spelling  and  Style  as  in  the  Original.) 


112  CHURCH  LIFE 


CHAPTER  YIII. 

OTHEE   ITEMS. 

There  are  various  items  that  suggest  them- 
selves at  this  period  of  the  history  which  can 
hardly  be  brought  forward  as  well  at  any 
later  time,  some  of  them  of  moment  as  parochial 
matters,  and  some  having  a  broader  interest. 
Amongst  them  is  the  care  that  was  bestowed  by 
the  colonial  legislature,  through  almost  the 
whole  period  of  its  continuance,  to  provide  for 
the  morals  of  the  people  and  for  their  right 
religious  views.  We  have  noticed  tlie  Act  of 
1649  ;  and  though  all  honor  is  to  be  done  to 
Maryland  for  the  lead  it  assumed  thereby  in  the 
great  cause  of  toleration,  yet  privilege  was  only 
extended  by  it  under  the  then  generally  recog- 
nized standard  of  orthodoxy,  and  all  those  who 
came  short  of  that,  those,  for  instance,  that 
denied  the  Divinity  of  Our  Lord,  or  the  doctrine 
of  the  Trinity,  were  denied  its  benefit.  Such 
views  now  do  not  debar  a  man  from  claims  to  be 
a  religious  man  or  even  to  be  a  christian,  and 
they  who  hold  such  views  set  themselves  up  to 
be  the  liberal  men  of  the  day.  But  in  1649,  by 
the  instrument  then  passed,  such  persons  were 
regarded  as  blasphemers  and  were  amenable  to 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  113 

all  the  penalties  for  tliat  crime.  They  were 
disloyal  to  the  Almighty  and  tradncers  of  their 
Lord,  and  their  punishment  was  greater  than  if 
they  had  used  the  foulest  language  or  done  the 
most  immoral  deed.  And  so  also  at  the  period 
to  which  we  have  now  come.  By  a  law  of  1723 
blasphemy  is  defined,  to  maliciously  and  wil- 
fully curse  God,  ''to  deny  the  Saviour  to  be  the 
Son  of  God,  to  deny  the  Holy  Trinity,  or  the 
Divinity  of  the  several  persons  of  the  Trinity;" 
and  for  this  the  punishment  was,  for  the  first 
offence  boring  through  the  tongue,  the  guilty 
member,  and  a  fine  of  twenty  pounds  sterling,  or 
imprisonment  for  six  months;  for  the  second 
offence  branding  in  the  forehead  with  the  letter  B 
and  a  fine  of  forty  pounds  sterling,  or  imprison- 
ment for  twelve  months;  and  for  the  third  offence 
the  punishment  was  death.  The  thunders  of  the 
secular  power  were  heavy  enough,  though  it  is 
doubtful  whether  the  bolt  did  any  very  serious 
execution;  rather  a  hriitum  fidmen,  so  that  men 
might  make  it  as  loud  as  they  pleased.  For  pro- 
fane swearing,  also,  the  fine  was  heavy,  being  for 
the  first  offence  two  shillings  and  sixpence,  and  for 
the  second,  five  shillings.  Drunkards  also  were 
fined.  By  the  law  of  1692,  Sabbath  breaking  was 
punished  by  a  fine  of  one  hundred  pounds  of 
tobacco,  to  go  to  the  poor  ;  and  ordinary  kee^^ers 
who  on  that  day  might  sell  liquor,  except  in 
case  of  necessity,  or  who  might  permit  tipj^ling 
on  their  premises,  were  liable  to  pay  two  hun- 
dred pounds.  By  the  law  of  1723  the  guilt  of 
profane  swearing  was  especially  deep  if  it  were 
done  in  the  presence  of  a  vestryman,  church  war- 
den, or  other  x^arties  named ;  and  also  the  guilt 


114  CHURCH  LIFE 

of  drunkenness,  the  pnnisliment  being  not  only 
a  fine,  but  also,  if  the  party  were  not  a  ''free- 
holder or  other  reputable  person,"  whipping  or 
the  discomfort  of  the  stocks.  The  observance  of 
Sunday  also  was  strictly  required  by  this  law, 
and  work,  gaming,  fishing,  fowling,  hunting  and 
other  forms  of  diversion,  were  strictly  forbidden; 
also  the  sale  of  "strong  liquors;"  so  early  have 
we  provision  for  that  respect  for  the  Lord's  day 
which  has  always  honored  Maryland.  Ministers 
were  commanded  to  read  this  law  publicly  four 
times  a  year ;  and  they,  or  the  magistrates 
refusing  to  carry  out  its  j)rovisions,  were  them- 
selves fined.  By  this  law,  which  was  indeed 
excessively  severe  in  some  of  its  clauses,  is  shown 
the  resolution  of  Maryland  to  promote  the 
elevation  of  her  people ;  and  it  shows  also  that 
there  was  among  the  people  a  great  commanding 
sentiment  in  behalf  of  the  ordinances  and  pro- 
prieties of  the  christian  life.  The  law  was  passed 
about  twenty-eight  years  after  the  church  as  an 
Establishment  had  been  at  work  ;  and  witnesses 
to  the  high  standard  which  by  its  influence  had 
been  created  among  the  population.  It  will  be 
remembered  also  that  this  was  in  a  time  when 
the  church  had  had  to  endure  very  much 
opposition.  Her  influence  in  spite  of  the  antag- 
onism had  evidently  been  great  and  blessed. 

A  less  satisfactory  subject  of  observation  is  the 
treatment  which  they  received  who  were  thought 
to  believe  too  much,  Roman  Catholics,  whose 
affiliations  over  and  bej^ond  the  gospel,  were 
supposed  to  be  equally  dangerous  with  blas- 
phemy and  to  imperil  the  state.  We  have  seen 
how  they  were  brought  under  the  ban  when  the 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  115 

Protestant  Revolution  overthrew  the  old  order 
of  things.  Every  other  form  of  positive  belief 
could  be  tolerated  except  theirs;  though  for  them 
evidently  the  law  of  1649  had  been  passed, 
William  III.  made  the  existence  of  the  law  of 
1702  to  be  contingent  upon  the  avowal  of  the 
principle  of  toleration;  and  in  1706,  by  the  colon- 
ial action,  the  principle  was  enlarged  in  its  ex- 
pression. For  the  Roman  Catholics,  hoAvever  no 
abundant  grace  was  found,  and  that  for  every  rea- 
son; because  they  were  dreaded  politically,  and 
abominated  for  their  false  theological  views. 
Their  theological  views  also  were  feared  because 
they  were  supposed  to  be  their  political  guide, 
and  that  they  could  not  with  them  be  loyal  to  the 
state;  doubtless  a  great  misconception,  but  unfor- 
tunately very  widely  prevalent.  For  in  periods 
of  great  agitation  in  secular  affairs  in  England 
the  Roman  Catholics  have  always  been  found 
loyal.  Patriotism  has  jiroven  stronger  than 
doctrinal  views. 

After  the  Protestant  Revolution,  a  severe  law 
was  ijassed  in  1704,  entitled  an  act  to  prevent  the 
growth  of  pojiery  within  the  province.  Under 
this  act  all  Bishops  or  priests  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  were  inhibited,  by  severe  penal- 
ties, from  saying  mass  or  exercising  the  spirtual 
functions  of  their  office,  or  endeavoring  in  any 
manner  to  persuade  the  inhabitants  to  become 
reconciled  to  the  Church  of  Rome.  Also  mem- 
bers of  that  church  were  prohibited  from  engaging 
in  the  instruction  of  youths.  Relief,  however, 
in  some  measure  followed  immediately  from  the 
stringency  of  these  j:»i'0 visions;  for  at  the  same 
session  of  the  Assembly  liberty  was  granted  the 


116  CHURCH  LIFE 

priests  of  exercising  spiritual  functions  in  pri- 
vate families  of  the  Roman  Clinrch;  a  relief  that 
was  continued  from  that  time  onward.  A  severe 
enactment  also  was  passed  in  1715,  by  which  if  a 
protestant  father  should  die,  leaving  children, 
and  his  widow  should  be  a  Roman  Catholic,  or 
marry  a  Roman  Catholic,  it  was  possible  for  the 
Governor  and  council,  upon  application,  to 
remove  such  children  from  the  custody  of  their 
mother  ''to  save  them  from  popery."  They  were 
also  to  be  educated  out  of  their  father' s  estate. 
In  1729  the  county  court  had  this  jurisdiction. 
Evidently  the  thought  was  that  the  mother  had 
no  inherent  rights  in  her  children;  and  also  that 
after  the  father  the  children  pre-eminently  be- 
longed to  the  state,  and  that  the  state  was  the 
guardian  of  the  children  for  their  highest  welfare 
after  the  father.  The  dread  and  hatred  of  popery 
as  pestilential  to  the  commonwealth  and  deadly  to 
the  soul,  could  hardly  he  more  strongly  expressed. 
The  spirit  of  persecution  had  certainly  then  not 
died  out.  There  are  various  social  propositions 
which  we  regard  as  obsolete,  contained  in  that 
act,  which  after  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  fill  us 
with  amazement.  It  was  passed,  however,  at  a 
time  when  the  name  of  Roman  Catholic  was, 
however  unworthily,  associated  with  the  thought 
of  rebellion. 

Later  on,  in  1716,  after  the  attem^^t  of 
the  Pretender  upon  the  throne  of  England,  test 
oaths  that  had  been  required  of  all  persons 
holding  office  in  the  colony,  were  re-enacted,  and 
amongst  them  the  declaration  in  respect  of 
transubstantiation.  This  of  course  prevented  the 
Roman  Catliolic    from   holding  office,   and  the 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  117 

exclusion  from  public  life  was  rendered  the  more 
complete  by  a  law  of  1718  by  which  such  test 
oaths  and  declaration  could,  upon  a  person  being 
suspected  of  being  a  Roman  Catholic,  be  admin- 
istered as  a  qualihcation  for  voting.  This  hnished 
their  disfranchisement,  a  burden  under  which 
they  rested  down  to  the  close  of  the  colonial 
period.  Dread  and  Jealousy  were  always  felt 
towards  them,  which  in  many  ways  made  their 
position  painful.  Yet  it  did  not  apparently  affect 
their  numbers,  the  ratio  of  which  to  the  whole 
population,  remaining  about  the  same.  Nor  did 
their  priests  cease  to  be  active  or  to  make  con- 
verts, one  of  the  charges,  repeatedly  made,  being 
that  irregularity  of  life  in  the  parsons  favored 
priests,  proselyting  zeal.  Also  the  clergy,  in 
addressing  Gov.  Hart  in  1714,  desired  the 
repression  of  the  Papists  and  other  dissenters, 
who  were  accused  of  abusing  their  liberty  under 
the  law ;  an  appeal  that  doubtless  found  willing 
ears.  For  in  addition  to  the  other  means  used 
for  this  purpose  which  we  have  seen,  as  early  as 
1708  there  was  a  tax  imposed  of  twenty  shillings 
per  poll  upon  all  Irish  servants  of  that  faith 
brought  in,  "to  prevent  the  growth  of  Papacy;" 
a  law  that  was  subsequently  re-enacted  several 
times.  Other  articles  taxed  in  the  same  ordinance 
were  negro  slaves  and  rum. 

Another  act  of  discrimination  and  equally  rep- 
rehensible according  to  our  notions,  was  the  at- 
tempt, though  it  failed,  to  lay  a  double  burden 
on  Roman  Catholics  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the 
French  war ,  a  measure  that,  though  it  had  a 
general  bearing,  was  thought  rather  to  be  aimed 
at  certain  particular  individuals.     Nor  did  it  fail 


118  CHURCH  LIFE 

because  there  was  seen  to  be  any  si^ecial  injustice 
in  it,  but  because  the  whole  project,  of  which  it 
was  a  part,  failed  ;  the  occasion  being  one  of  the 
earlier  and  more  vigorous  struggles  of  the  people 
against  prerogative. 

There  was  indeed  a  consistent  plan  pursued  of 
expressing  abhorrence  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  through  the  colonial  period  from  the 
days  when  the  Roman  Catholic  Lord  Baltimore, 
was  deprived,  a  plan  that  had  its  origin  and  ex- 
pression in  the  abhorrence  that  was  conscien- 
tiously felt.  And  unfortunately  for  the  members 
of  that  church,  both  in  England  and  in  the  colo- 
nies the  fires  of  religious  antagonism  were  kept 
burning  by  almost  every  leading  consideration  of 
the  time.  The  reigning  family  of  England  was 
of  the  Protestant  Succession,  while  the  Pretender 
was  of  the  Roman  church.  England  was  strongly 
protestant,  while  France,  of  which  there  was  con- 
tinual jealousy  and  which  was  supporting  the 
Pretender,  was  Roman  Catholic.  Besides,  though 
the  Roman  pontiff  is  now,  and  has  for  many 
years  been  recognized  as  having  but  small  politi- 
cal influence,  particularly  in  those  states  with 
which  England  is  brought  into  close  contact,  in 
the  last  century  his  power  was  supposed  to  be 
great,  and  doubtless  was  so.  England,  though 
she  felt  her  way  carefully  towards  Roman 
Catholic  emancii^ation  for  many  years,  was  not 
able  to  i^ass  the  Relief  Bill  till  1829,  when  disa- 
bilities, in  the  presence  of  which  all  those  in 
the  colony  were  almost  as  nothing,  were  flnally 
in  great  part  removed.  Intolerance  born  of  fear, 
died  very  hard.  AVhile  the  Pope  of  Rome  along 
with   his   inordinate   claims   to   depose   princes, 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  119 

and  condemn  them  to  death,  to  exercise  temporal 
jurisdiction  in  the  various  states  and  kingdoms, 
to  appoint  heretics  to  death,  and  to  bind  the 
consciences  of  his  followers  to  carry  out  his 
decrees,  was  supposed  to  have  power  to  make 
these  claims  effective,  there  is  no  wonder  that 
his  name  was  dreaded,  and  that  all  that  could 
become  his  instruments,  were  looked  upon  with 
suspicion.  Self  preservation  itself  demanded 
restrictive  measures.  It  was  the  misfortune  of 
the  times ;  and  while  individuals  were  to  be 
pitied,  the  church  itself  was  the  chief  cause  of 
their  annoyances  and  discomforts.  It  ill  becomes 
us  now  to  avow  a  mock  sentiment  in  regard  to 
the  matter,  as  even  some  Protestant  writers  are 
disposed  to  do,  clerical  as'  well  as  lay  ;  thinking 
that  it  belongs  to  their  modern  liberality.  Judge 
men  of  the  olden  times  by  the  force  of  the  circum- 
stances of  those  olden  times.  The  lawyers, 
merchants,  and  planters  of  a  hundred  and  fifty 
years  ago,  had  been  moulded  by  a  great  combi- 
nation of  facts;  and  their  jealousies  and  anxieties, 
which  we  are  glad  to  have  outgrown,  were  then 
but  natural. 

If  our  ^laryland  ancestors  had  a  good  deal  of 
puritanical  zeal,  as  exibited  in  their  care  for  the 
Lord's  day  and  their  antagonism  against  unbelief 
i)v  misbelief,  as  well  as  their  regard  for  the 
proprieties  of  life  in  the  matter  of  drinking, 
swearing  and  licentiousness,  for  all  which  they 
attempted  to  provide  by  their  laws  ;  they  ex- 
hibited a  good  deal  of  fortitude  also,  and  braved 
circumstances  in  coming  to  the  house  of  God 
that  would  appal  their  successors  of  this  day. 
A  celebrated  author  has  recently  said  that  the 


130  CHURCH  LIFE 

art  of  keeping  warm  is  of  modern  invention,  a 
fact  which  will  require  no  argument  to  demon- 
strate. And  eminently  was  the  absence  of  this 
art  seen  in  the  house  of  God.  For  down  till 
about  two  generations  ago  the  churches  of  Mary- 
land had  no  tires  in  them,  nor  any  means 
provided  for  making  a  lire.  So  that  the  worship- 
ers of  that  day  had  to  sit  through  the  long 
service  and  sermon,  (and  without  the  responses 
by  the  x^eople  and  the  singing  of  the  anthems, 
it  must  have  seemed  very  long),  and  shiver. 
Their  rides  were  often  many  weary  miles,  and 
the  roads  unsi^eakably  bad,  but  yet  they  were 
found  at  their  place.  There  Avas  fire  in  the 
vestry  house,  which  was  a  detached  building, 
and  doubtless  there  was  in  the  capacious  fireplace 
there  a  roaring  flame  from  the  logs  of  the  abundant 
forrest.  But  at  church  time  they  rigidly  with- 
drew to  the  sanctuary,  turning  the  key  in  the 
door  to  prevent  all  access  to  the  cheerful  l^laze, 
and  ordering  the  sexton  to  permit  no  one  to 
enter.  There  is  only  one  explanation  to  give  of 
their  ability  and  willingness  to  endure  this,  that 
they  were  not  much  accustomed  to  warmth  at 
home  ;  for  with  their  small  houses,  such  as  were 
almost  universal  in  the  earlier  days,  the  door  was 
almost  always  open  in  the  sitting  room,  and 
heat  was  secured  not  by  shutting  out  the  blast 
but  by  piling  on  more  fuel.  They  roughed  it,  as 
the  saying  is,  and  those  that  were  strong  enough 
to  stand  the  roughing,  Avere  able  to  sit  in  church 
or  anywhere  else  and  not  i^erish.  Our  standard  of 
comfort  is  of  very  modern  creation,  and  even  we 
look  back  with  some  wonder  how  our  fathers  of 
a  generation   ago    were    able    to    endure    their 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  121 

'discomforts  patiently.  For  Maryland  habits 
have  been  very  odd,  as  witness  the  experience  of 
the  owner  of  a  large  plantation  whose  kitchen 
was  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  public  road  from 
the  house.  One  afternoon  in  summer,  we  are 
told,  her  friends  gathered  together  to  partake  of 
her  hospitality,  but  as  evening  drew  near  a  most 
violent  thunder  storm  came  on,  with  a  drenching 
rain  ;  and  as  the  tinder  box,  and  tire,  and  snpi3er 
were  all  across  the  way  hostess  and  guests  had  to 
sit  in  quietness  and  hunger  and  darkness  far 
into  the  night,  till  the  storm  had  passed  away. 
They  wer«  a  sturdy  set  though,  nevertheless,  and 
their  comforts,  such  as  they  were,  were  like  their 
principles,  more  liberal  than  those  they  left 
behind  them  in  the  mother  country. 

The  item  of  stocks  is  frequently  mentioned  in 
the  vestry  records  of  those  times,  not  bank  or 
railroad,  though  the  vestry  often  had  funds  to 
invest,  but  that  peculiar  institution  contrived  to 
make  poor  delinquents  very  uncomfortable. 
Once  also  the  whipi^ing  post  is  mentioned,  an 
order  being  passed  that  one  should  be  set  up. 
This  was  in  1747.  But  from  the  beginning  the 
stocks  are  frequently  mentioned.  The  vestry 
also  paid  for  the  same  out  of  the  parish  funds, 
an  account  being  rendered  the  vestry  in  the  year 
1708.  They  were  probably  erected  as  a  neigh- 
borhood convenience  for  miscreants  in  general ; 
they  were  also,  however,  regarded  as  valuable 
for  church  discipline ;  for  in  1765  the  rule  was 
made  by  the  vestry  that  persons  intruding  into 
pews  belonging  to  others  and  refusing  to  ^\\t\\- 
draw,  should  be  put  in  the  stocks,  and  a  pair 
w^as  ordered  to  be  set  up  near  the  church.     It 


122  CHURCH  LIFE 

would  appear  from  this  that  the  vestries  had 
more  than  the  power  of  preserving  order  about 
the  church  ;  for  to  do  that  an  offender  need  only 
be  held  for  trial.  They  did  execute  the  decrees 
of  the  county  court  in  cases  of  immorality,  and 
also  they  had  the  power  of  action  in  other  cases, 
as  admonishing  those  living  in  guilt,  which 
implied  that  they  had  the  power  of  summoning 
witnesses  and  requiring  the  presence  of  the 
accused.  This  case  would  seem  to  indicate  that 
they  exercised  some  of  the  old  manorial  right  of 
holding  a  petty  court.  The  parish  was  for 
certain  purposes  to  them  as  a  manor,  and  in 
offences  against  good  morals  and  the  violation  of 
peace  during  the  time  of  worship  and  the  infringe- 
ment of  private  rights  within  the  precincts  of  the 
house  of  God,  they  had  power.  The  ducking 
stool,  the  pillory  and  branding  irons  were  also 
institutions  of  Maryland,  but  not  in  the  hands  of 
the  vestry. 

Why  a  halo  should  be  supposed  to  surround 
a  church  liecause  it  was  built  of  English  brick,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  say.  Such,  however,  is  the 
fact ;  for  there  is  hardly  an  old  church  in  Mary- 
land built  during  the  colonial  period  that  is  not 
said  to  have  been  so  erected.  Yet  the  assertion 
is  true  of  very  few.  Most  of  the  brick  churches 
in  Maryland  were  built  just  befoi'e  the  revolution 
when  there  was  an  abundance  of  skill  in  Mary- 
land ;  while  the  clay  in  very  many  parts  of  the 
state  is  of  excellent  quality.  Also,  though 
English  goods  were  high,  yet  labor  in  Maryland 
was  low.  Why,  therefore,  peoi)le  should  have 
gone  to  England  to  buy  what  they  could  get  as. 
good  and  cheaper  at  home,  is  a  difficult  question. 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  133 

Nor  does  the  size  of  the  bricks  indicate  anything, 
for  the  mechanic,  having  learned  his  trade  in 
England,  wonld  of  necessity  almost,  use  the 
same  mould  he  had  been  accustomed  to,  and  also 
the  same  process  of  manufacture.  Also,  even 
though  granting  the  charges  of  freight  were 
nothing,  which  is  doubtful,  yet  the  cost  of 
handling  and  carrying,  perhaps  for  miles,  would 
be  excessive  over  and  above  that  of  bricks  made 
where  they  were  needed.  The  tradition,  there- 
fore, is  probably  hardly  ever  reliable.  As  early 
as  1717  we  tind  the  vestry  of  St.  James'  parish 
ordering,  and  in  1718  paying  for  twenty  thousand 
bricks  made  upon  the  glebe ;  and  the  high 
probability  is  that  as  this  church  stood  as  near  to  a 
port  as  most  of  the  parish  churches,  when  the 
time  came  to  erect  its  substantial  walls,  the 
contractor  went  to  the  same  pit  for  his  clay  and 
from  that  built  this  memorial  of  the  Maryland 
churchman's  conlidence. 

Our  forefathers  "in  the  church  did  not  hold  the 
use  of  liquor  in  abomination  as  some  of  their 
descendants  of  this  time  are  disposed  to  do.  It 
is  true  that  St.  James'  parish  was  the  field  on 
which  the  first  local  option  law  operated,  bat  it 
was  not  for  Maryland  churchmen.  The  Quakers 
who  abounded  among  them,  were  grievously  af- 
flicted at  their  meetings  by  the  resort  of  ''evil 
and  wicked"  persons  thither  to  sell  strong  drink; 
and  as  early  as  1702  they  appointed  a  committee 
to  wait  on  the  Governor  and  Council  to  seek  an 
abatement  of  the  nuisance.  This  was  promised 
them,  but  again  in  1711  they  made  the  same  com- 
plaint, and  in  1725  an  act  was  passed  by  the 
Assembly  to  prevent  the  sale  of  liquor  within 


134  CHURCH  LIFE 

two  miles  of  the  meeting  house  at  West  River. 
It  is  not  on  record  how  far  the  Friends  were 
total  abstainers  themselves,  and  so  differed  from 
their  fellow  citizens.  The  churchmen,  however, 
of  that  day  have  left  no  record  of  their  abomi- 
nation, in  any  way,  of  ardent  spirits,  but  rather  we 
find  under  the  date  of  1703  an  order  passed  by 
the  vestry  for  two  gallons  of  rum  for  the  use  of 
the  men  engaged  in  underpinning  the  church, 
a  large  amount  of  rum  certainly  for  a  small 
amount  of  work.  The  raising  and  underpinning 
implied  a  large  gathering,  and  the  rum  was  to 
promote  jollity  as  well  as  activity ;  and,  of 
course,  on  such  an  occasion  all  the  vestry  were 
present.  This  explains  the  generous  supply.  It 
is  not  on  record,  however,  that  the  vestry  of  St. 
James'  had  a  standing  order  for  the  sexton  to 
provide  ' '  a  quart  of  rum  and  sugar  equivalent, 
and .  as  much  diet  as  would  give  the  vestry  a 
dinner,"  though  such  was  the  rule  of  a  parish  in 
Baltimore  county  until  a  loud  protest  was  made. 
Then  their  rum  and  diet  had  to  be  j)rovided  at 
their  private  charges.  We  are  not  informed 
whether  their  zeal  flagged  on  that  account ; 
though  it  is  likely  that  previously  their  meetings 
had  been  exceedingly  well  attended,  and  that 
without  fear  of  the  impending  flne,  which  in 
other  places  was  thought  to  be  sufficient  but  nec- 
essary. 

A  review  of  the  parish  from  this  point  suggests 
satisfactory  consideration.  The  church  was  well 
filled  with  a  constantly  increasing  congregation, 
occasioned  partly  by  an  increasing  poj)ulation, 
though  also  by  an  increasing  interest  in  holy 
things    in    the    people.     The    poi^ulation    did 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  125 

increase  very  much,  as  in  1696  the  number  of 
taxa])les  was  five  hundred  and  seven,  and 
in  1725  eight  liutidred  and  seven,  three  hun- 
dred in  about  thirty  years.  Tliis  of  course  in- 
cludes the  servants  who  were  taxables,  and  proba- 
bly only  a  small  ratio  was  of  new  families  come 
in.  There  was  probably  not  a  great  increase  from 
that  source,  as  it  was  a  new  country  but  recently 
taken  up,  and  the  planters  would  hardly  be  dis- 
posed to  divide  or  part  with  their  land  ;  while 
also  new  settlers  had  plenty  of  new  country  to  go 
out  to,  where  the  cost  would  be  much  less.  In- 
crease in  population,  therefore,  meant  rather  in- 
crease in  prosperity  among  the  planters,  that  is, 
the  increase  of  servants.  The  parish  also  was  at 
X^eace,  and  the  rector  and  i^eople  harmonious. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  the  then  rector's  diffi- 
culties with  the  commissary  w^ere  even  known  to 
the  people.  The  income  of  the  rector  also  was 
ample  ;  for  beside  the  proceeds  of  the  tax  which 
came  almost  entirely  to  him,  and  which  would  have 
yielded  at  least  six  hundred  dollars  of  our  money, 
on  an  average  of  seven  hundred  polls,  he  had  the 
income  from  the  two  glebes.  Other  perquisites 
also  fell  to  his  portion,  among  them,  it  would 
seem,  the  mulatto  children  that  were  born  of  free 
women.  For  these  were  claimed  by  the  clergy, 
and  in  one  instance  seemingly  the  claim  was 
allowed  in  Mr.  Hall's  favor.  He  was  ax^parently 
also  a  gentleman  of  considerable  X)rivate  means, 
from  the  lands  that  belonged  to  him  ;  for  it  was 
not  only  the  disappointed  or  the  penniless  that 
came  to  Maryland  ;  but  while  the  love  of  adven- 
ture brought  some,  others  doubtless  were 
swayed  by  the  highest  Christian  motives. 


136  CHURCH  LIFE 

All  tlie  officers  of  the  parish,  too,  took  an 
interest  in  their  duties,  and  apparently  attended 
to  them  faithfully.  About  1720  a  pressure  was 
put  ux^on  them  and  delinquents  were  fined  for 
absence,  as  much  as  one  hundeed  jDounds  of 
tobacco,  worth  from  two  to  three  dollars.  In  one 
instance  the  rector  himself  was  fined,  for  there 
was  no  respect  of  persons,  and  he  was  "principal 
vestryman."  The  churches  generally  would 
present  rather  an  odd  appearance  to  our  eyes, 
with  the  various  distinctions  that  were  made  in 
their  sittings.  For  beside  the  rector's  pew  there 
were  the  warden' s  and  the  vestrymen' s  pews,  to 
which  only  they,  or  strangers  by  invitation, 
could  go,  and  there  was  the  private  gallery 
erected  by  private  families  at  their  own  expense. 
There  were  also  the  men's  pews  and  the  women's 
pews,  evidently  the  free  seats,  and  beside  this, 
in  some  churches  there  were  appointed  places  for 
slaves.  Some  of  the  churches  had  bells  which 
continued  to  be  used  down  to  the  Revolution, 
when  some  of  them  disappeared  ;  tradition  says, 
broken  up  to  be  moulded  into  cannon  to  utter  the 
voice  of  destruction,  in  place  of  their  former 
invitation  to  praise  and  prayer.  The  surplice 
with  the  stole  is  the  only  vestment  mentioned 
throughout  the  colonial  period. 

How  far  the  church  had  wrought  a  good 
influence  in  the  community,  it  is  diffiuclt  to  say. 
It  is  observable  that  certain  crimes  indicating  a 
low  degree  of  moralty,  or  rather  a  very  degraded 
class  in  the  parish,  had  in  a  large  measure 
apparently  ceased.  Possibly,  of  course,  the 
vestry  had  become  lax  in  the  execution  of  the 
law,    though   this  is  hardly  possible.     A  high 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  127 

state  of  morality  had  x^robably  grown  up,  and 
the  degraded  classes  had  in  a  measure  become 
reformed.  In  1733,  however,  we  find  the  reap- 
pearance of  the  same  enormities.  A  law  passed 
in  1715  and  re-enacted  in  1717  and  1728  would 
show  that  in  various  parts  of  the  colony  there 
was  a  very  abandoned  set,  the  creation  and  result 
doubtless  in  a  large  measure  of  that  body  of 
convicts  that  were  emptied  out  upon  these  shores 
year  by  year  by  the  "mother"  country. 

The  church,  however,  was  not  the  only  good 
influence  at  work.  The  Quakers,  we  have  seen, 
were  very  strong  in  this  part  of  Maryland,  and 
especially  in  St.  James'  parish,  and  their  flrst 
yearly  meeting  in  America  was  here.  Also  their 
greatest  strength  lay  at  points  remote  from  the 
parish  church  where  the  influence  of  the 
rector  and  the  church  administration  would, 
from  their  central  location  be  less  felt,  that  is, 
along  the  shore  of  the  bay  from  North  to  South. 
The  Friends  had  a  meeting  house  in  each  direc- 
tion, and  doubtless  did  much  to  improve  the 
morals  and  elevate  the  religious  tone  of  the 
community.  For  the  Quaker  of  that  day,  with 
his  decided  and  clear  doctrines,  was  a  much 
more  influential  factor  than  his  brother  of  to-day, 
who,  as  a  follower  of  Elias  Hicks,  has  so  little 
that  is  positive  to  guide  him.  There  were  also 
some  Roman  Catholic  priests,  who  were  allowed 
full  influence  upon  the  plantations  of  those  of 
their  own  name,  and  doubtless  they  helped  to 
ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  community. 
They  had  sufficient  liberty  to  excite  the  anxiety 
of  the  rectors  of  parishes,  and  if  the  later  fathers 
were  as  devoted  as  the  ealier  missionaries  tliev 


128  CHURCH  LIFE 

were  in  many  ways  a  blessing.  Of  other  forms- 
of  cliurcli  ministration  apparently  there  was 
none. 

How  far  St.  James'  parish  was  a  fair  index  to 
the  general  condition  of  the  colony  it  is  difficult 
to  say.  There  appears  scarcely  any  general 
reason  why  it  should  not  be  so  accepted;  and  if 
it  was,  notwithstanding  all  that  has  been  said  to 
the  contrary,  Maryland  can  only  be  regarded  as 
having  been  x)articularly  fortunate.  Church 
ministration  was  secured  to  her;  and  all  other 
Christian  bodies,  though  the  Roman  Catholic 
only  in  a  limited  degree,  were  allowed  liberty. 
By  the  first  a  great  and  immovable  barrier  was 
fixed  to  the  flood  of  grossness  and  licentiousness 
that  had  before  flooded  the  colony,  and  by  it, 
assisted  by  the  other  christian  bodies,  that  flood 
was  forced  ever  within  narrower  limits,  and 
society  delivered  from  its  desolation.  Of  that 
other  and  far  higher  benefit,  wrought  in  the 
heavenly  ministration,  by  which  individual  souls 
were  fed  with  the  Bread  of  Life,  it  is  impossible 
to  speak.  The  Establishment  secured  for  the 
colony  what  it  never  had  before,  and  what  other- 
wise it  would  not  have  had,  the  regular,  faithful 
and  consistent  service  of  God's  ordained  minis- 
try; and  thus  only  was  it  or  could  it  have  been 
delivered  from  spiritual  ruin. 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  129 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE    SECOND    EECTORSHIP. 
THE  CHURCH  IN  ENGLAND. 

With  the  period  commencing  with  the  year 
1722  to  which  we  have  now  come,  there  are  associ- 
ated many  particulars  interesting,  not  because  they 
are  pleasing  to  contemplate,  l3ut  because  they 
present  certain  aspects  of  church  life  greatly  in 
contrast  with  our  own.  The  church  in  England 
was  at  this  time  imssing  through  great  trials;  for 
after  the  death  of  Queen  Anne  in  1714,  who  was 
devoted  to  the  church,  and  under  whom  church- 
men were  favored,  whose  reputation  also  in 
America  was  fostered  by  various  gifts  to  the 
parishes,  there  arose  by  i)atronage  of  the  first  of 
the  Georges,  an  entirely  new  class  of  men,  pro- 
fessing latitudinarian  views  of  an  extreme  type, 
and  as  much  as  possible  depreciating  church 
authority.  How  far  this  was  the  outgrowth  or 
reaction  from  the  Jacobite  tendencies  of  the  High 
Church  party,  cannot  be  said;  but  certain  it  is,  the 
state  favored  the  new  school,  recognizing  its 
members  as  safer  instruments  for  its  purj)oses; 
and  they  obtained  a  large  part  of  its  patronage, 
being  given  the  most  eminent  positions  in  the 
gift  of  the  government. 


130  CHURCH  LIFE 

In  harmony  with  this  was  the  principle  on  which 
the  government  was  administered  by  Sir  Robert 
Walpole.  His  determination  was  to  preserve 
everything  in  quietness,  regarding  the  internal 
prosperity  of  the  state  as  being  the  highest 
consideration  for  an  officer  of  the  government. 
Acting  on  this  principle  he  refined  down  differ- 
ences, he  avoided  in  legislation  every  thing  that 
might  irritate  one  or  the  other  of  the  great 
classes  into  which  society  was  divided,  the 
church  and  non-conformists.  Where  he  could 
not  directly  do  away  with  the  obstacles  to  peace, 
he  temporized,  as  in  some  of  the  older  re^Dressive 
laws  enacted  after  the  Restoration;  and  either 
violations  of  the  laws  were  overlooked,  or  else 
their  operation  was  suspended  for  a  season. 
This  policy  had  begun  before  Walpole  became 
Prime  Minister,  but  after  he  had  become  influ- 
ential in  the  government  on  the  accession  of 
George  I.;  and  it  continued  to  be  the  j^olicy 
throughout  his  long  administration,  and  after- 
wards. 

Among  other  things  done  during  this  time  was 
the  suspension  of  convocation  in  1717,  chiefly 
because  it  had  dared  to  raise  its  voice  against  the 
growth  of  extreme  latitudinarian  views  as  set 
forth  by  the  Bishop  Hoadly  of  Bangor.  Convo- 
cation had  been  the  church's  appointed  and  legal 
means  of  exjiressing  its  views  and  desires  upon 
matters  of  its  own  concern,  and  was  the  great 
preservative  agent  of  the  church  against  laxity  of 
views  and  practice.  The  Bishop  of  Bangor's 
views  were  offensive  in  the  extreme,  contending 
as  he  did,  "against  the  notion  of  the  existence  of 
any  visible  church,  and  scoffing  at  the  mainte- 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  131 

nance  of  tests  of  orthodoxy  and  tlie  claims  of 
ecclesiastical  government."  Convocation  jiro- 
tested  against  sncli  views,  witli  the  result  that  it 
was  prorogued,  either  because  the  government 
did  not  want  agitation  in  the  kingdom,  or 
because  the  whole  school  to  which  Bishop 
Hoadly  belonged,  were  regarded  as  being  more 
favorable  to  whig  principles. 

This  policy  had  a  very  pernicious  intiuence  upon 
the  condition  of  the  church.  Discipline  ceased, 
and  laxity  both  in  chictrine  and  x^ractice  became 
common.  We  have  often  heard  of  the  fox  hunt- 
ing parsons  of  the  eighteenth  century,  but  fox 
hunting  was  not  the  only  thing  in  which  remiss- 
ness was  shown.  The  whole  tone  of  the  clergy 
sank.  There  was  nothing  to  regulate  or  deline 
doctrine  or  practice.  Men  were  exalted  to  station, 
not  because  they  were  fitted  for  it  either  by  learn- 
ing or  devotion,  but  because  they  were  in  harmony 
with  the  prevailing  principles  (>f  the  government, 
and  might  be  useful  to  the  party  in  i^ower.  One 
result  of  this  condition  of  things,  was  the  great 
agitation  upon  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  in 
which  Dr.  Waterland  bore  such  a  leading  part, 
and  at  this  time  an  attempt  was  made  even  so  to 
alter  the  Prayer  Book  as  to  make  it  harmonize 
with  Arian  tenets.  Deism  also  had  its  strong 
advocates,  and  the  religion  of  nature  was  set  up 
as  the  antagonist  sufficient  to  displace  Chris- 
tianity. It  was  this  controversy  that  called  out  in 
defence  of  the  truth  Bishop  Warburton  in  his 
Divine  Legation  of  Moses,  and  Bishop  Butler  in 
his  Analogy.  It  was  a  time  of  extreme  agitation, 
everything  Christian  being  impugned,  frequent- 
ly by  those  who  held  the  honors  and  emoluments 
of  the  church. 


133  CHURCH  LIFE 

And  practice  tallied  with  laxity  in  principle. 
Residence  by  the  Bishops  in  their  dioceses,  in 
some  instances  when  we  wonld  least  expect  it, 
was  felt  to  be  a  bnrden,  and  was  avoided  as  mnch 
as  possible.  The  chnrch  w^as  not  felt  to  be  a 
living  body.  Trnth  was  more  a  matter  of  phil- 
osophy than  a  gnide  of  life;  while  practical 
precepts  were  rather  moral  a2:)othegms  than  the 
voice  of  the  Master  and  Savior  calling,  This  is 
the  way,  walk  ye  in  it.  So  far  had  the  church 
lost  her  vitality  that  when  Seeker,  who  became 
Archbishop  in  1758,  attemjDted  to  send  over 
bishops  to  the  American  colonies,  he  found  him- 
self antagonized  by  the  church  to  that  degree 
that  he  had  to  abandon  his  intention.  The 
church  had  become  only  the  creature  of  the 
state  for  certain  functions,  the  contests  of 
her  members  were  often  only  the  battles  of 
philosophers  for  certain  ideas;  spiritually  she 
was  cold. 

One  result  of  this  was  inevitable.  The  tone  of 
the  clergy  and  people  fell.  We  hear  a  good 
deal  about  the  condition  of  the  clergy  in  the 
colonies,  and  many  were  painfully  derelict, 
though  there  has  been  a  very  great  deal  of 
exaggeration.  It  was  not  America,  however, 
that  was  alone  so  afflicted.  For  we  find  in  a 
description  of  the  clergy  of  England  at  this  time, 
that  they  figured  as  "courtiers,  politicians, 
lawyers,  merchants,  usurers,  civil  magistrates, 
sportsmen,  musicians,  stewards  of  county  squires 
and  tools  of  men  in  power."  They  were  com- 
pletely secularized,  lived  as  men  of  the  world, 
with  all  the  deadening  influence  of  such  con- 
nection.    Their  sej)aration  was  a  lost  fact ;  and 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  133 

with  the  loss  there  was  the  d.ex)reciation  of 
character.  The  social  position  of  the  clergy  was 
then  very  different  from  what  it  is  now,  and 
with  the  difference  there  was  less  to  restrain 
them.  A  clergyman  now  has  many  more  safe- 
guards thrown  around  him  ;  for  as  a  class,  from 
the  highest  to  the  lowest,  his  calling  makes  him 
the  equal  of  any  other  class,  and  gives  him  a 
detined  position,  which  it  is  easy  for  liini  to  keep 
if  he  will,  and  which  he  sacrifices  at  his  peril. 
All  men  honor  his  calling,  all  men  take  it  for 
granted  that  he  honors  it,  as  the  x-ast  majority  of 
his  brethren  do,  and  so  none  look  down  upon 
him  or  despise  him.  And  all  this  is  a  great 
moral  inliuence  about  him,  irrespective  of  other 
considerations,  to  support  him  in  his  position. 

Just  the  opposite  was  the  case  in  that  day  and 
before.  For  according  to  a  picture  drawn  by 
Dean  Swift,  in  the  days  of  Queen  Anne,  "the 
recognized  social  position  of  a  clergyman  and 
his  family  was  about  that  of  a  tradesman.  He 
made  no  attempt  to  keep  up  the  status  of  a 
gentleman.  '  The  vicar'  says  he,  '  will  probably 
receive  presents  now  and  then  from  his  ]iarish- 
ioners,  and  perhaps  from  his  squire,  who  although 
he  may  be  apt  sometimes  to  treat  his  X)arson  a 
little  superciliously,  may  probably  be  softened  by 
a  little  humble  demeanor.  The  vicar  is  likewise 
generally  sure  to  find,  on  his  admittance  to  the 
living,  a  convenient  house  and  barn  in  repair, 
with  a  garden  and  a  field  or  two  to  graze  a  few 
cows  and  one  horse  for  himself  and  his  wife. 
He  has  a  market  probably  very  near  him,  per- 
haps in  his  own  village.  No  entertainment  is 
exiDected  by  his  visitor  beyond  a  pot  of  ale  and  a 


134  CHURCH  LIFE 

piece  of  cheese.  His  wife  is  little  better  than 
goody  in  her  birth,  education  or  dress,  and  as  to 
himself,  he  must  let  his  parentage  alone.  If  he 
be  the  son  of  a  farmer  it  is  very  sufficient,  and 
his  sister  may  decently  be  chambermaid  to  the 
squire's  Avife.  He  goes  about  on  working  days  in 
a  grazier' s  coat  and  will  not  scru^^le  to  assist  his 
workmen  in  harvest  times.  His  daughters  shall 
go  to  service,  or  be  sent  apprentice  to  the  semp 
stress  in  the  next  town,  and  his  sons  are  put  to 
honest  trades.'' 

Nor  is  this  picture  of  clerical  life  isolated, 
the  representation  of  one  sour- tempered  man. 
There  is  abundance  of  proof  that  the  l^etter 
social  standing  of  the  i^arochial  clergy  is  of  later 
times.  One  of  the  laws  of  Queen  Elizabeth's 
time  prescribes  rules  for  the  clergy  in  marrying, 
one  of  which  was  "that  no  priest  or  deacon  should 
marry  without  the  approbation  first  obtained  of 
the  Bishop  and  two  justices  of  the  peace  for  the 
county,  nor  without  the  consent  of  the  parents  or 
relatives  of  the  woman,  or  of  the  master  or  mis- 
tress with  whom  she  was  at  service,  in  case  she 
had  no  relatives."  Also,  we  have  some  pictures 
of  clerical  life  in  the  last  century  subsequent  to 
this  date,  one  of  which,  recently  published  and 
exceedingly  lieautiful,  is  supposed  to  have  sug- 
gested to  Goldsmith,  in  some  of  its  features,  the 
Vicar  of  Wakefield.  At  that  time  the  condition 
of  the  parochial  clergy  in  England,  whatever  it 
may  be  now,  was  humble.  By  his  office  the 
curate  could  claim  nothing,  though  a  godly  life 
has  always  been  a  power. 

In  America,  doubtless,  the  relative  position  of 
the   clergy  in   society  was  higher.     This  would 


AY  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  135 

necessarily  result  from  the  much  simpler  ways  of 
living  in  the  colonies,  and  from  the  fact  that  the 
population  was  composed  in  such  large  propor- 
tion of  those  who  came  to  this  country  with  but 
little,  and  whose  fortunes  were  made  by  them- 
selves; though  it  is  true  that  many  of  the  higher 
orders  of  society  did  emigrate  from  England,  and 
make  their  homes  here.  Still,  there  was  always  a 
far  nearer  approach  to  equality.  In  the  northern 
colonies,  where  there  was  an  ambition  for  as  near 
an  approach  to  a  theocracy  as  possible,  of  course 
the  ministers  were  awarded  all  honor  and  esteem; 
but  in  the  southern  colonies  there  may  have 
been  present  some  of  that  English  feeling  to 
account  for  the  harsh  language  and  the  want  of 
consideration  that  at  times  manifested  themselves 
and  strongly  in  the  ]oeriod  to  which  we  have  now 
come.  Individual  men  may  have  been  highly 
respected,  as  certainly  they  were;  but  when  from 
any  cause  they  combined  and  stood  forth  as  a 
body,  to  proclaim  any  j^rinciple  or  to  maintain 
any  right,  there  was  nothing  in  the  general 
esteem  for  their  office  or  position  to  compel  men 
to  treat  them  with  consideration;  and  further, 
the  faults  and  shortcomings  of  a  few  would,  in 
the  po^iular  imagination  and  language,  be  charged 
against  the  whole  body  as  a  class. 

All  these  causes,  however,  united,  the  low^ 
esteem,  socially,  in  which  the  clergy  were  held, 
their  being  mixed  up  in  the  i3olitical  agitations 
of  the  day,  Avhen  every  man  was  distinguished 
as  a  Tory  and  Jacobite,  or  a  Whig  and  friend  of 
the  Hanoverian  succession,  the  taking  away  from 
the  church  the  power  of  regulating  her  own  in- 
ternal affairs  when  the  mouth  of  Convocation  was 


136  CHUBCH  LIFE 

closed  and  all  jDower  of  discipline  suspended; 
fearfully  depressed  the  Churcli  both  at  home  and 
in  the  colonies,  paralyzed  her  efforts,  depreciated 
her  standard,  lowered  her  in  the  regard  of  the 
world,  caused  the  truth,  which  she  held  in  trust, 
to  be  questioned  and  rejected,  and  made  iniquity 
to  abound.  And  in  proportion  as  these  causes 
operated  in  England  they  affected  America. 

But  while  the  Church  in  the  Mother  Country 
could  not  at  this  time  raise  her  head  proiidly  be- 
fore the  world  by  reason  of  the  lethargy  of  her 
children,  and  because  of  the  want  of  harmony 
in  regard  even  to  the  most  important  matters  of 
the  faith,  her  condition  was  not  without  its  hope- 
ful and  its  redeeming  features.  For  if  some  of 
her  children  questioned  the  living  truths  and  de- 
nied the  great  Christian  principles,  there  were 
many  through  this  century  whose  writings  and 
whose  lives  presented  in  the  strongest  light  the 
natural  hold  the  Church  has  upon  all  the  living 
principles  of  truth  and  godliness.  Some  of  these 
great  men  have  been  mentioned,  as  Waterland, 
Butler,  and  Warburton,  men  of  commanding- 
force  and  discrimination;  while  there  also  flor- 
ished  Jones  of  Nayland,  Samuel  Wesley,  the 
father  of  John  and  Charles,  William  Law,  and 
Bishop  Wilson,  men  who  combined  with  learn- 
ing a  piety  and  devotion  that  have  given  them 
an  undying  name.  At  this  time  also  there  were 
various  religious  societies  connected  with  the 
church  in  different  parts  of  England,  which  by 
their  association  kept  alive  a  religious  spirit  and 
proved  instruments  for  kindling  the  piety  of 
such  men  as  the  Wesley s  and  Whitfield.  Also 
in    1729    the    Society    of  Methodists  was    first 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  137 

formed  at  Oxford,  composed  of  members  of  tlie 
Cliurch  of  England.  Among  the  original  mem- 
bers were  other  men  as  prominent  as  the  Wesleys; 
for  the  society  had  as  its  original  intention  to 
promote  the  piety  of  the  members  themselves. 
For  this  pnrpose  they  assembled  every  night  to 
review  their  individual  lives  of  the  past,  day  and 
to  build  themselves  and  each  other  up  in  truth 
and  godliness,  by  the  study  of  the  scriptures  and 
prayer.  Further  than  this,  their  work  was  to 
instruct,  as  they  had  opportunity,  their  associates 
in  the  University,  and  to  teach  in  the  schools, 
work  houses,  and  prisons,  wherever  indeed  they 
might  tind  an  opening. 

Thus  began  the  movement  that  has  accom- 
plished such  vast  results,  not  only  in  England 
but  throughout  the  world,  the  work  of  men  who 
were  rigid  in  the  observance  of  all  rules  and 
ordinances  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  whose 
piety  not  only  burned,  but  was  kindled  at  her 
altars.  So  that  though  the  condition  of  the 
Church  in  England  was  bad  at  the  time  we  are 
in,  yet  her  future  and  glorious  resusciation  was 
already  preparing,  the  ashes  of  the  phenix  were 
already  stiring  with  life.  For  it  was  out  of 
this  Methodist  movement,  though  in  its  later 
stages,  but  before  separation  took  place  from  the 
English  Church,  that  the  evangelical  school 
sprang,  with  the  great  names  of  Cecil,  Conyers, 
Venn,  Milner,  and  Simeon  at  its  head;  which 
did  more  than  any  other  body  of  men  or  any 
other  school  of  teaching,  to  work  the  great 
revival,  in  the  calm  steady  heat  of  which  the 
whole  Anglican  communion  flourishes  to-day. 
Other  influences  have  since   manifested    them- 


138  CHURCH  LIFE 

selves,  but  that  both  anticipated  their  day,  had 
its  own  peculiar  work  for  the  promotion  of  piety 
and  good  works,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the 
entrance  of  these  other  agencies. 


IX  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  139 


CHAPTER   X. 

THE   CHUKCH   IN   AMERICA. 

A  general  review  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  in 
America  wonld  reveal,  that  Mdtli  the  growth  of 
years  there  had  been  a  general  enlarging  of  the 
spirit  of  liberty.  The  qnestion,  AVliat  had 
brought  it  about  ?  might  be  answered  differ- 
ently according  as  men  looked  with  the  spirit  of 
calm  investigation  upon  the  matter,  seeking  only 
the  truth,  or  as  they  were  tilled  with  admiration 
for  the  people  of  any  given  section  of  the 
country.  The  readiest  reason,  however,  reached 
for  the  great  change  in  public  sentiment  would 
prol)ably  be,  that  religion  had  not  so  strong  a 
hold  on  men' s  minds  and  hearts,  that  in  the  one 
hundred  years  that  had  elapsed  since  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  earlier  colonies,  when  men 
sought  a  refuge  from  religious  intolerance,  where 
they  might  themselves  show  equal  if  not  greater 
intolerance,  the  ardor  of  their  own  minds  had 
sensibly  cooled  down,  the  distinct  lines  of  an 
ecclesiastical  republic  had  been  made  less  dis- 
tinct by  a  freer  spirit  of  civilization,  by  the 
influence  of  trade,  education,  and  the  apprehen- 
sion of  civil  rights.  New  England  outgrew  a 
commonwealth  founded  on  Mosaic  law.  as  Israel 


140  CHURCH  LIFE 

had  done  so  long  before.  This  larger  spirit  of 
administration,  was  strikingly  exemplified  in 
the  treatment  of  the  Quakers.  For  during  the 
rule  of  Governor  Belcher,  which  began  in  1729, 
Massachusetts  passed  a  law  "making  satisfaction 
to  the  ]3osterity  of  those  who  endured  capital 
punishment  in  the  years  1658  and  1659;  and  the 
same  Assembly  decreed  a  compensation  to  the 
decendants  of  the  unfortunate  victims  of»the  pro- 
secutions for  witchcraft  in  1693."  Also,  "the 
Legislature  of  Connecticut  in  1729  passed  an  act 
for  exempting  Quakers  and  Baptists  from  eccle 
siastical  taxes,  and  in  1731  a  similar  law  was 
enacted  by  the  Assembly  of  Massachusetts,"  in 
which  they  were  eminently  ahead  of  Maryland 
and  Virginia. 

What  had  helped,  however,  to  bring  about 
this  change  was  the  difference  in  the  spirit  of 
the  home  government  towards  the  colonies,  and 
particularly  towards  those  of  New  England. 
For  while  in  their  earlier  days  the  troubles  in 
England  secured  to  them  very  great  licence,  and 
they  were  able  to  conduct  their  affairs  after  their 
own  wills;  and  then  had  every  encouragement  to 
do  so  by  the  success  which  attended  their  friends 
in  the  Rebellion,  being  fortified  in  every  claim 
and  pretension  by  the  supremacy  to  which  Inde- 
pendency had  attained;  after  the  Restoration, 
and  the  complete  overthrow  of  the  ecclesiastical 
system  of  the  commonwealth,  royal  injunctions 
and  commands  were  heard  which  had  to  be 
obeyed,  and  toleration  of  almost  all  classes  came 
to  be  the  rule.  The  hated  prelacy,  against  which 
New  England  jraritanism  had  protested  as 
against  sin,  raised  its  temples  in  the  strongholds 


[ 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  141 


of  the  faith;  and  the  Prayer  Book,  with  all  its 
papistical  ceremonies,  guided  and  directed  the 
worship)  of  many  of  the  most  esteemed  citizens. 
The  dawn  of  the  eighteenth  century  w^as  the 
breaking  forth  of  the  brightest  spirit  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty  that  ever  glorified  the  world, 
though  that  spirit  shone  in  its  brightness  over  a 
territory  that  extended  but  little  beyond  the 
realms  of  the  hajDpier  empire  of  Protestant 
England. 

It  was  before  our  present  date  that  the  exami- 
nation began  at  Yale  College  into  the  grounds 
and  claims  of  Episcopacy,  that  resulted  in  the 
conviction  in  the  minds  of  its  rector  and  one  of 
its  tutors,  and  also  of  Dr.  Sam.  Johnson,  a  con- 
gregational minister  and  friend  of  the  rector, 
that  Ei3iscopacy  was  the  true  scriptural  form  of 
church  government,  and  that  no  orders  were 
valid  that  were  not  episcopally  conferred.  The 
result  of  this  conviction  was,  that  they  all  re- 
signed their  positions,  and  going  to  England 
were  received  into  the  ministry  of  the  church. 
Two  of  them  afterward  returned  to  America, 
death  intervening  to  prevent  the  third,  and  they 
ministered  as  missionaries  of  the  Society  for 
Propagating  the  Gospel,  occupying  for  many 
years  jDositions  of  commanding  influence,  and 
compelling  the  hearing  of  the  church's  claims. 
-  This  society  w^as  at  that  time  the  chief  hope  of 
the  church  in  all  parts  of  America,  Maryland 
and  Virginia  excepted.  It  was  the  missionary 
organization  of  that  day,  as  it  still  is  in  very 
large  measure  in  the  Church  of  England,  though 
its  labors  are  now  supplemented  by  the  Church 
Missionary  Society,  the  child  of  the  Evangelical 


142  CHUBCH  LIFE 

movement  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
Its  revenue  was  the  free  will  offerings  of  the 
people,  and  though  it  was  not  great,  as  we  count 
greatness  now,  yet  its  existence  was  a  proof  of  a 
worthy  remnant  in  the  midst  of  worldliness,  that 
had  not  bowed  the  knee  to  Baal.  Maryland  and 
Virginia  were  excepted  from  its  operations, 
because  by  the  law  in  these  colonies  ample 
provision  was  supjDosed  to  be  made  for  the 
support  of  the  clergy.  There  were  compensations, 
however,  in  favor  of  the  other  colonies;  for  the 
Society  could  exercise  a  scrutiny  and  supervision 
over  those  whom  it  acpected  and  sent  out;  which 
was  the  means  of  presenting  the  church  in  its 
truest  and  most  acceptable  form  in  those  places 
where  clerical  shortcomings  of  any  kind  would 
have  intensified  the  already  active  susj)icion  and 
dislike  of  the  people.  And  so  as  a  fact,  though 
the  church  was  dreaded,  and  was  to  the  last 
regarded  as  the  symbol  and  engine  of  ecclesias- 
tical tyranny,  and  her  ministers  in  times  of 
strong  agitation,  were'  placed  under  the  social 
ban  ;  yet  there  was  an  ever-increasing  strength 
granted  her  by  the  gradual  a^Dpreciation  of  her 
true  x)rincii:)les.  Nothing  but  a  worthy  body  of 
high-toned  Christian  ministers  could  have  secured 
this  blessing. 

In  Maryland  at  this  time,  from  1722  to  1734, 
the  condition  of  things  was  not  pleasing.  For 
the  church  was  not  in  peace,  and  the  occasions 
of  disturbance  were  various.  As  to  the  outside 
bodies,  her  relations  with  them  had  in  no  way 
changed,  and  there  was  as  much  liberality  to- 
wards all  exercised  in  Maryland  as  any  where 
else  probably  in  the  world.    The  Roman  Catholic 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  143 

continued,  of  course,  to  stand  in  tlie  same  relations 
to  society  and  the  state  in  which  he  had  always 
stood;  while  probably  after  1715, when  the  family 
of  the  Lord  Proprietary  became  protestant,  and 
jurisdiction  was  restored  to  it,  the  strain  was  less 
than  it  had  been  before.  The  spirit  of  the 
English  government  towards  Roman  Catholics, 
was  well  exemplefied  in  its  treatment  of  Lord  Balti- 
more at  the  Revolution  of  1688;  for  while  with- 
drawing jurisdiction,  which  was  felt  to  be  unsafe 
in  his  hands,  it  secured  to  him  all  his  rights  of 
property  in  the  colony,  and  when  the  family 
changed  its  faith,  jurisdiction  was  restored.  Its 
deprival  of  civil  rights,  however,  did  not  affect, 
apparently,  the  numerical  condition  of  that 
church,  for  it  was  able  to  preserve  a  constant 
ratio  to  the  j)opulation  down  to  the  close  of  the 
colonial  days,  being  about  one-twelfth.  Of 
course  this  was  only  kept  up  by  a  large  immigra- 
tion. The  number  of  Jesuit  missionaries,  how- 
ever, now  in  the  colony,  and  they  furnished  the 
chief  supply  for  the  adherents  of  the  Roman 
faith,  was  as  large  as  it  was  at  any  subsequent 
time,  as  their  official  records  show.  For  in  the 
year  1723  there  were  at  the  Residence  of  St. 
Ignatius  sixteen  members  of  the  society,  twelve 
fathers  and  four  coadjutors.  The  duty  of  the 
coadjutors,  who  were  lay  brothers,  was  to  attend 
to  the  domestic  affairs  of  the  Residence,  and  to 
cultivate  the  land  attached  to  it,  the  income  from 
which  supported  the  mission;  while  the  fathers 
w^ent  hither  and  thither  throughout  the  colony  in 
the  i3erformance  of  their  spiritual  duties.  This 
had  been  their  rule  from  the  foundation  of  the 
colony,  and  to  obtain  a  certain  and  secured  sui)port 


144  CHURCH  LIFE 

had  been  the  object  of  their  large  acquisition  of 
land  which  early  brought  them  into  conflict  with 
their  patron.  For  there  was  no  appointed 
income  except  this,  other  than  the  free-will 
offerings  of  the  people;  a  fact  that  doubtless  in 
certain  localities  gave  them  a  great  advantage  at 
times  when  the  matter  of  ex]3ense  was  a  great  sub- 
ject of  agitation.  Not  that  it  may  have  caused  any 
IDersons  to  go  over  to  the  Jesuits,  but  it 
increased  their  opportunity  to  question  and 
fault  the  ministers  of  the  Established  church, 
as  now  we  And  them  doing.  For  in  addition  to 
other  trials,  the  clergy  were  compelled  to  enter 
into  public  controversy  in  answer  to  the  Roman- 
ist's  bold  challenge;  to  vindicate  the  truth  of  the 
Protestant  faith  against  Romish  perversion,  as 
they  had  to  vindicate  the  Establishment  and 
their  rights  under  it  against  the  attacks  of  those, 
sometimes  of  their  own  household,  who  bore  the 
Protestant  name. 

As  regards  the  other  great  body  of  dissenters 
that  had  formerly  given  trouble,  the  Quakers, 
they  by  this  time  had  ceased  to  excite  much 
attention.  They  had  come  to  be  better  under- 
stood everywhere,  and  the  immunity  they  had 
almost  always  enjoyed  in  Maryland  became  more 
perfect.  They  had  never  been  feared,  but  only 
regarded  as  extravagant  enthusiasts,  who,  for 
certain  matters  of  form,  were  ready  to  endure  all 
things,  and  who  despised  the  powers  that  be  in  so 
far  as  they  interfered  with  their  views  and 
jDractises.  But  in  Maryland  things  had  been 
adjusted  to  suit  their  private  notions  of  what  was 
right ;  and  as  their  lives  as  a  body  were  peaceable 
and  upright,  and  they  were  industrious,  faithful, 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  145 

God-fearing  citizens,  all  possible  liberty  was 
willingly  extended.  And  no  anxiety  seems  to 
have  been  felt  by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities 
about  their  proselyting,  as  was  felt  about  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church.  It  is  true,  in  the  begin- 
ning they  had  won  over  some  persons  from  staunch 
church  families,  but  this  ceased,  and  they 
became  a  close  corporation,  living  in  themselves 
and  to  themselves.  Thus  they  shut  themselves 
oft'  from  sympathy  ;  while  even  the  i)ersecution 
was  wanting  that  first  made  them  objects  of 
observation.  Also  they  differed  from  lio  other 
body  of  Christians  on  what  would  be  esteemed 
great  principles  ;  for  they  were  then  orthodox 
in  all  the  great  matters  of  faith,  believing  in  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  for  salvation.  Since  then 
they  have  marvelously  changed.  Their  jmsition 
as  a  dissenting  Dody  was  that  of  the  negation  of 
rule,  form,  and  ceremony  ;  while  the  grand  right 
of  jn-ivate  judgement  and  individtial  responsi- 
bilitj^  of  which  they  had  at  first  been  eminent 
exponents,  had  come  to  be  a  part  of  the  creed  of 
all  bodies  :  the  English  church,  as  we  have  seen, 
running  to  the  very  excess  of  that  salutary 
principle.  So  the  Friends  in  Marjdand  were 
now  no  longer  feared.  They  were  objects  of 
consideration,  but  it  was  for  missionary  work. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  send  a  missionary 
amongst  them,  and  one  of  the  tracts  circulated 
was  entitled  *'A  Serious  Call  to  ye  Quakers." 
with  probably,  however,  very  little  effect. 

For  the  closeness  of  their  body  was  rigidly 
maintained,  and  a  thorough  inculcation  of  their 
principles  was  from  the  earliest  years  a  part  of 
their   children's   education.     They   were  taught 


146  CHURCH  LIFE 

that  they  were  born  in  the  "meeting'''  and  that 
they  were  to  esteem  it  a  blessed  birthright. 
Now  and  then,  under  the  fascination  of  bright 
eyes  or  winning  ways,  a  son  or  daughter  would 
go  off  and  be  married  by  a  "hireling''  minister 
to  one  of  the  outside  world,  but  such  conduct 
was  so  strongly  reprobated,  with  threats  of 
prosecution  and  dire  ill  to  the  said  hireling,  that 
the  offence  was  not  likely  ta  become  common. 
The  rigidness  with  which  they  maintained  their 
separation  is  exemplified  in  their  "Enquiries" 
of  the  year  1725,  addressed  to  the  members  of  the 
meeting,  one  of  which  was  "  Are  all  careful  to 
keep  up. their  ancient  and  C.hristian  testimony 
against  tithes,  priest's  wages,  repairing  of  their 
houses,  called  churches,  or  any  other  ceremony 
of  that  nature."  This  their  testimony  was  both 
ancient(!)  and  Christian(!)  and  as  it  affected  not 
only  their  principles  but  their  pockets,  doubt- 
less it  was  kept  up.  Thus  they  were  brought 
into  conscious  antagonism  with  the  great  body  of 
their  fellow  citizens,  and  as  a  fact  they  have 
always  been  a  separated  people  in  every  society. 
For  their  segregation  went  into  everything. 
They  worshipped  apart,  protesting,  as  we  have 
seen,  against  the  name  of  church  ;  they  married 
apart  and  banished  every  son  or  daughter  who 
did  not  conform  in  this  ;  their  language,  their 
views  of  certain  social  duties  and  obligations,  as 
of  oaths  and  bearing  arms,  were  different ;  their 
dress  even  made  them  distinct  from  all  about 
them.  And  the  discipline  of  the  meeting 
enforced  and  compelled  these  things.  In  all 
business  matters,  also,  as  far  as  possible,  they 
kept    themselves    to    themselves ;    one    of    thei 


IN  COLONIAL  Maryland.  147 

enquiries  running,  "Whether  there  are  any 
masters  of  trade  that  want  apprentices,  or 
cliildren  of  Friends  to  be  j^^it  forth,  that  they 
ai)ply  themselves  to  the  monthly  meeting  before 
they  take  those  that  are  not  Friends  or  piit  forth 
their  children  to  such."  Nor  is  this  the  only- 
instance.  Everything  was  to  be  done  as  far  as 
possible  within  the  society;  disputes  io  be 
settled,  the  poor  to  be  provided  for  and  educated, 
and  a  general  supervision  to  be  exercised  over 
various  of  the  c(mimon  matters  of  life.  After- 
wards thier  views  upon  the  then  social  institution 
of  the  country,  slavery,  separated  them  further 
from  the  people. 

And  this  separation  is  probably  the  only 
cause  why  they  have  continued  to  exist.  For  as 
some  among  them  believe  now,  who  yet  by  old 
habit  and  education  still  retain  their  "birthright," 
Quakerism  hns  seen  its  day  of  usefulness  and 
now  may  without  loss  pass  away.  They  have 
swung  away  from  their  old  moorings  in  the 
matter  of  faith,  and  their  ideas  of  spiritual 
enlightenment,  and  individual  lesponsibility,  and 
private  judgment,  of  which  in  their  earlier  days, 
they  were  the  most  pronounced  expression,  Imve 
now  become  common  propei'ty.  One  danger 
they  avoided  which  with  the  other  peculiarities 
is  remarkable,  because  a  danger  that  has 
destroyed  so  many  other  like  societies,  viz:  the 
community  of  <!-oods.  A  care  for  the  general 
body  and  all  its  members  was  requisite,  and  a 
large  submission  of  their  will  to  the  common 
voice ;  but  with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  earlier 
days,  the  rules  of  private  thrift  and  individual 
wealth   have   never   been    forgotten,    while    the 


148  VIIURCTIJJFE 

community  lias  seldom  been  dishonored  by  sharp 
practices  or  the  dishonesty  of  its  members. 

The  church  in  Maryland  was  now  passing 
through  turbulent  days,  as  extreme,  probably,  as 
any  to  which  it  was  ever  subjected.  It  had 
grown  in  nunibers,  the  parishes  in  1722  amount- 
ing to  thirty-eight,  with  about  three  thousand 
communicants  and  eleven  thousand  families 
attached  to  it.  The  parishes  also  were  well 
supplied,  in  1732  the  report  being  made  to  the 
Bishop  of  London  that  there  was  but  one  vacant 
parish  in  the  colony.  Indeed,  from  this  time  on 
Maryland  was  always  well  supplied  with  clergy, 
and  that  because  of  their  independent  position 
and  the  general  sufficiency  of  the  support 
provided.  Towards  the  close  of  the  colonial 
period  there  was  even  a  superabundance  of 
ministers  in  the  province. 

But  with  the  general  prosperity  of  the  I'hurch 
there  was  also  much  misfortune,  for  as  a  fact 
this  was  a  time  of  unusual  discord.  One  of  the 
occ^asions  of  this,  manifest  upon  the  surface,  was 
the  attempt  to  divide  some  of  the  parishes,  a 
proje(^t  to  which  the  clergy  showed  their  usual 
hostility,  in  which  probably  they  were  only  too 
sensitive.  For  the  parishes  having  been  erected 
when  the  po])ulati()n  of  the  colony  was  very 
sparse,  many  of  them  were  exceedingly  large,  and 
far  beyond  the  x)ower  of  one  man  efficiently  to 
care  for:  a  stretch  of  territory  sixty  miles  long 
and  containing  from  four  to  live  hundred  families 
precluding  frequent  ministrations,  and  church 
services  were  necessarily  denied  to  a  large 
proportion  of  the  people.  But  the  attempt  to 
divide  excited  the  fears  and  the  loud  protests  of 


IN  COL  ONI  A  L  MA  li  VIA  ND.  1 41) 

the  clergy.  They  looked  upon  it  as  a  blow  aimed 
at  their  interests,  and  an  assault  upon  their 
rights.  They  feaied  also  the  spiiit  that  was 
abroad,  ox^position  to  them  being  in  the  air, 
and  they  looked  out  upon  poverty  and  (Institu- 
tion as  their  oncoming  i)()rtion.  Even  some  of 
the  best  men  of  the  province  had  this  feeling, 
Mr.  AVilkinson,  the  commissary  of  the  Eastern 
Shore  and  one  universally  commended,  being 
among  the  most  earnest  to  protest.  The  civil 
authorities,  however,  went  foiwaid.  various 
parishes  were  divided,  and  more  laborers  entered 
the  field,  doubtless  with  exceedingly  good 
results. 

The  spirit  that  was  abroad  also  manifested 
itself  in  another  way.  and  the  fears  of  the  clergy 
were  excited  by  an  attem})t  to  reduce  the  poll 
tax  by  which  theii' salaries  were  i)aid,  the  amount 
of  reduction  proposed  being  one-fourth.  This 
was  a  sweeping  measure  bearing  upon  all  the 
ministers  alike,  and  therefore  it  was  apt  to  do 
far  more  harm  than  the  other  ;  for  while  many  of 
the  parishes  might  be  too  large,  there  were  some 
where  the  income  was  exceedingly  small,  and  a 
reducti(m  of  one-fourth  meant  distress  and  suffer- 
ing to  the  minister.  The  agitation  of  this 
question  began  about  the  yeai-  1728,  and,  of 
course,  it  excited  the  liveliest  alarm.  The  clergy 
sent  up  theii-  protest  and  petition  against  what 
they  deemed  an  iniquitous  measure;  and  truly 
there  was  that  about  it  whi(^h  showed  that  the 
authorities  were  not  treating  them  sincerely. 
For  the  plea  was  that  over-production  had 
reduced  the  price  of  the  staple,  and  the  i)lan 
proposed  was  to  limit  the  growth  and  so  force  the 


150  CHURCH  LIFE 

market  iij)  as  that  thirty  pounds  would  be  of  as 
higli  a  Valium  as  forty  then  were.  But  their  want 
of  sincerity  was  seen  in  the  ])rovision  that  the  law 
allowed  tlie  planter  to  pay  in  money  or  tobacco 
as  he  might  prefer,  the  rate  of  commutation 
being  fixed,  so  that  when  the  market  was  good 
the  clergy  would  get  money,  but  when  it  was 
poor  they  would  get  the  tobacco. 

Therefore  there  was  good  ground  for  alarm. 
For  the  law  was  passed  by  the  Assembly,  and  the 
clergy  in  their  extremity  approached  the  society 
for  the  pi'opagation  of  the  Gospel  for  relief. 
They  also  by  their  agent,  whom  they  sent  to 
England.  Mr.  Henderson,  apjn-oached  the  king, 
the  i)r()prietai'y,  and  the  Bishop  of  London,  seek- 
ing protection.  As  it  happened  the  proprietary, 
with  whom  rested  the  power  of  vetoing  bills 
passed  by  the  Assembly,  refused  to  confirm  the 
law,  and  moreover,  assured  the  clergy  of  his 
favor  and  protection.  Proba]>ly,  as  it  tui'ned  out, 
the  agitati(ui  of  this  measure  advanc^ed  their 
interests,  as  in  1721)  a  law  was  passed  limiting 
the  production  of  tobacco.  In  1730,  however, 
another  measure  was  passed  by  the  Assembly 
which  allowed  the  payment  of  one-fourth  of  the 
tax  in  grain,  which  became  a  law.  The  clergy 
were  at  first  alarmed,  as  they  had  been  before, 
though  experience  of  the  measure  seems  to  have 
removed  theii'  fears.  Like  many  of  the  colonial 
laws  it  was  enacted  only  for  a  given  period,  and 
was  from  time  to  time  renewed.  The  condition 
of  the  clergy  in  the  province  was  now,  taken 
altogether,  very  much  improved,  for  the  popula- 
tion had  in  most  parts  greatly  iiuMeased  and 
theii-  incomes  were  generally  sufficient.     In  one 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  151 

parish,  and  that  not  an  exceptional  one,  the 
taxables  between  KiOS  and  J  726  had  increased 
about  eif^hty  per  cent. 

All  this  agitation,  however  was  symptomatic, 
for  the  colony  was  in  a  turbulent  condition,  and 
as  doubtless  could  not  be  avoided,  the  clergy 
were  drawn  into  the  prevailing  disputes.  Never 
had  their  character  been  higher,  nor  their  con- 
duct as  men  and  ministers  more  commendable. 
Those  in  authority  in  the  province  testified  to 
this.  Many  of  them  had  kmg  been  residing  in 
their  parishes  and  their  sympathies  and  their 
hopes  were  identified  with  those  of  their  people. 
They  were  also,  notwithstanding  their  diverse 
nationalities,  more  than  one-half  being  English, 
nearly  one-half  Scotch,  and  the  remainder  Irish, 
generally  hariuoni(ms  among  themselves,  and 
met  in  convocation  from  year  to  year.  Still 
when  one  (^ame  to  describe  them,  as  was  done  in 
1722,  a  man  might  be  said  to  be  a  good  preacher, 
an  excellent  good  man,  a  good  scholar,  or  some 
less  complimentary  term  might  be  used,  but  he 
was  always  a  whig,  a  tory  or  a  stickler  for  the 
present  happy  Establishment. 

The  occasion  of  this  disturliance  was  a  dis- 
cussion that  divided  the  colony  for  about  ten 
years  beginning  with  the  year  1722  ;  the  subject 
being  the  extension  of  English  statutes  to  civil 
and  criminal  procedure  in  the  Maryland  courts: 
one  of  those  struggles  that  marked  the  spirit  of 
the  ])eoj)le  and  gradually  prepared  the  way  for 
the  final  effort  for  independence.  According  to 
the  rule  no  statute  passed  by  the  Assembly  was 
operative  if  disapproved  by  the  proprietary,  who 
under  his  charter  had  this  authority  ;  a  power  in 


153  CHUECH  LIFE 

Ills  hands  which  the  people  feared  would  be 
prejudicial  to  their  rights  and  liberties  ;  and 
they  also  at  this  time  claimed,  what  was  a  fact, 
that  until  now,  when  theie  was  no  colonial  law 
covering  a  case,  the  courts  had  ap])lied  the 
English  statutes.  The  u])per  house  which  always 
supported  the  prerogatives  of  the  Proprietary, 
resisted  this  claim,  and  denied  the  fact ;  and  the 
agitation  became  rancorous,  The  colonists  insis- 
ted they  were  still  Englishmen,  and  had  sacrificed 
none  of  theii-  i)rivileges  by  passing  over  to  the 
colonies  ;  though  they  were  inconsistent  in  this, 
that  they  accepted  only  such  English  laws  as 
binding  as  were  agreeable  to  themselves  and 
found  to  be  convenient ;  for  they  dreaded  the 
prerogative  of  parliament  as  much  as  they  did 
that  of  the  proprietary.  At  that  time,  indeed, 
things  were  veiy  much  undefined  in  the  whole 
matter  of  colonial  administiation  ;  for  England 
had  not  yet  learned  how  to  bring  up  her  children. 
The  question  was  finally  settled  with  something 
like  a  compromise  between  the  contending 
parties. 

Into  this  agitation  the  clergy  were  almost  of 
necessity  drawn  ;  for  it  was  a  subject  that  deeply 
concerned  the  interests  of  the  2)eo])le,  tlie  dispute 
arising  upon  the  passage  of  an  act  in  1728  entitled 
"An  Act  of  Limitation  of  Actions  of  Trespass 
and  Ejectment.''  Greneral  principles  were  soon 
enunciated  and  tlie  discussion  spread  everywhere. 
It  is  easy  to  imagine  where  the  clergy  would 
be  found  in  this  question  ;  for  born  and  reared 
as  they  almost  all  were,  if  not  all,  abroad,  they 
had  not  that  instinctive  sense  of  popular  rights 
which  always  characterized  the  American  colo- 


IN  COLONIAL  }fA  U  YI.A Nl>.  1 5.T 

nists,  that  jealousy  of  interference  by  any 
privileged  person  or  class,  so  that  now  as  always, 
the  great  body  there  were  ranked  upon  the  side 
of  tlie  propi'ietary  and  prerogative.  This  was 
almost  inevitable ;  for  prerogative  was  not  ;in 
alarming  word  to  them,  it  l)eing  their  yearning 
desire  all  through  the  cohmial  days  of  Maryland 
to  have  the  prerogatives  of  a  bishop  brought  to 
bear  upon  their  church  life,  and  their  strong 
conviction  that  such  ])rerogative  alone  could 
save  the  church's  fair  name.  This  question  was 
mingled  with  the  agitation  now.  For  it  was  just 
before  this  time  that  the  attemj)t  was  made  to 
secure  from  the  Legislature  the  confirmation  of  the 
disciplinary  power  of  the  Bishoj)  of  London  over 
the  persons  of  the  clergy,  and  it  was  during  this 
agitation  in  1727,  that  Mr.  Colebatch,  si)oken  of 
in  the  highest  terms  for  his  excellence  was 
prevented  by  a  writ  of  Nt"  exeat,  issued  l)y  the 
colonial  courts,  from  obeying  the  summons  to  go 
to  England  to  be  consecrated  for  the  colonies. 
And  so,  in  the  personal  abuse  hurled  by  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  people  at  this  time,  Mr. 
Thomas  Bordley.  against  commissary  Henderson, 
he  charges  him  with  going  to  England  to  seek 
the  episcopate. 

The  instincts  of  the  clergy,  therefore,  lay  Avith 
the  })roprietary  during  the  struggle,  and  in  a 
proportionate  degree  they  were  antagonized  by 
the  people.  This  was  the  assertion  of  Governor 
Calvert  in  1726.  They  were  opposed  because 
they  were  supporters  of  the  king  and  the  pj-o- 
prietary.  They  were  always  on  the  side  of 
prerogative,  and  doubtless  it  would  be  found, 
could  the  matter  be  fully  known,  that  vei'V  much 


154  CHURCH  LIFE 

of  the  scandal  that  was  uttered  against  them, 
had  its  origin  in  the  jealousy  and  hatred  born  of 
political  prejudice.  For  it  requires  but  a  very 
small  foundation  to  enable  animosity,  so  born  to 
raise  a  very  large  and  imposing  structure.  And 
so  the  agitation  of  the  question  about  their  salary, 
and  the  attempt  to  reduce  the  amount.  It  was 
as  a  punishment  for  their  political  ojunions  and 
the  use  of  their  influence  against  a  popular 
movement. 

But  these  were  not  the  only  means  made  use  of 
to  express  the  politicians'  ill  will.  We  have 
seen  the  attempt  to  divide  parishes,  for  which  in 
some  instances  there  was  some  justification  ;  but 
the  antagonism  showed  itself  also  in  I'aising  the 
question  whether  the  act  of  establishment  had 
been  duly  passed,  the  same  as  was  done  in 
another  great  period  of  trouble.  This,  however, 
was  not  pushed,  as  doubtless  it  could  not  be. 
Another  attempt  was  made  to  establish  an 
ecclesiastical  coui-t  for  the  trial  of  clergymen,  to 
])e  composed  in  part  of  laymen;  but  this  also 
failed,  the  Govei'uor  disapproving  of  the  measure, 
both  because  lay  jurisdiction  was  not  sufficient 
in  the  case,  and  also  because  there  was  no  call 
for  such  a  court,  the  reputation  of  the  clergy 
being  good.  Nor  was  it  only  by  such  public 
measures  that  antagonism  was  shown,  but 
also  the  spirit  that  was  abroad  manifested  itself 
in  a(;ts  of  personal  violence,  and  blows  were 
given,  and  sometimes  returned  by,  the  clergy. 
Even  Gov.  Calvert  himself  descended  into  the 
arena,  though  as  it  seems  only  to  offer  threats 
which  he  did  not  carry  out.  Mr.  commissary 
Henderson,  who  stood  fcjiward  for  the  clergy  as 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  155 

their  cliani})ion,  and  who  was  couraoeons  enough 
to  vindicate  their  i)o.sition  and  their  rights, 
came  in  for  a  very  large  share  ol*  tlie  plentiful 
abuse.  A  tory  of  the  tories,  he  was  also  both 
by  tempei-  and  disposition,  the  man  to  be  in  the 
very  thickest  of  the  tight.  If  his  enemies  are  to 
be  believed,  he  was  not  wanting  in  the  qualities 
of  a  practical  diplomatist. 

These  troubles  continued  down  to  the  year 
1782,  when  the  colony  obtained  i)eace  by  some- 
thing like  a  compromise  with  the  proprietary. 
Proba})ly  also  the  depressed  tinancial  condition, 
that  hacl  earliei-  been  felt,  had  now  been  relieved 
by  a  better  demand  for  tobacco  ;  for  the  nuirket 
for  that  stai)le  has,  it  is  likely,  always  been 
subject  to  rapid  fluctuations,  and  with  their 
increased  resources  the  colonists  had  lost  their 
iriitati<m.  Churchmen  also  doubtless  had  come 
to  i-ecognize  the  fact,  that  for  them  at  least,  the 
establishment  afforded  clerical  ministrations  at 
as  snuill  an  exaction  as  any  other  system  could 
pi-ovide,  and  they  l)ecanie  content  to  let  well 
enough  alone;  foi"  for  thirty  yea  is  and  more  there 
was  com])arative  peace. 

The  ])ropiietary  at  this  time  was  Charles  YI, 
Lord  Baltimore,  a  young  man  and  new  to  affaiis. 
He  did  not  i-ank  high  anumgst  his  contempoi-aries 
even  in  later  years,  for  good  judgment,  commit- 
ting indisci-etious  that  have  done  more  to 
immortalize  him  than  his  virtues  have.  Possibly 
his  want  of  experience  largely  promoted  the 
dissensiims  of  the  colony,  though  he  showed  a 
consistency  and  foi'ce  during  the  gi-eat  agitation, 
that  indicate  him  to  have  been  a  man  of  force  of 
character.     He  came  into  the  colonv  in  1732,  and 


15(5  CHURCH  LIFE 

the  difficulties  that  had  distracted  the  church  so 
violently,  particulaily  within  the  last  two  years 
since  Mr.  Hendeison's  return  from  England, 
were  calmed  down.  For  the  clergy  avowed 
themselves  his  strong  supporters,  and  his  kind 
feeling  foi*  them  and  the  establishment,  which 
had  prompted  him  to  stand  their  fi'iend  eailier  in 
the  contest,  now  made  him  their  advocate  and 
defender,  assuring  them  of  his  protection.  He 
also  favored  any  attempts  made  Tby  the  commis- 
sary to  execute  the  duties  of  his  office  in  the 
exercise  of  discipline,  though  unfortunately  his 
residence  in  the  colony  was  sf)  short  that  soon 
after  his  departure,  Mr.  Henderson  gave  uj)  his 
commission  in  disgust,  having  been  unable  to 
accomplish  any  peininnent  good.  With  him  the 
office  ceased,  as  possessing  but  little  authority 
or  influence,  and  the  clergy  were  left  destitute 
of  even  a  nonnnal  head  in  Maryland.  The 
authority  of  the  prox)rietary  under  his  chaiter 
and  the  law,  could  be  exei'cised  only  to  gall  and 
irritate,  while  the  jurisdiction  of  tJie  Bishop  of 
L(mdon.  was  for  all  purposes  of  administration, 
oidy  a  name. 

It  was  at  this  time,  about  the  year  1725,  that  the 
non-juring  Bishops,  Talbot  and  Welton,  were  in 
Maryland,  where  according  to  report,  they  exer- 
cised their  office.  They  were,  however,  but 
coldly  received;  for  they  represented  a  x)arty  in 
the  church  which  were  bitterly  opposed  to  the 
reigning  family  of  Great  Britain,  and  conse- 
quently they  met  with  no  sympathy  in  Maryland, 
where  the  clergy  generally  were"  loyal  to  the 
house  of  Hanover.  And  as  also  the  laity  of  the 
province,    as     of     America      everywhere,    were 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  157 

opposed  to  tlie  Episcopal  office,  the  work  of 
these  gentlemen  was  nothing.  It  has  even 
recently  been  asserted,  with  abundant  reason,  that 
in  the  North  one  of  the  great  leading  causes  of 
the  American  Revolution  was  the  proposition  to 
intiodu<'e  Episcopacy:  and  certainly  for  years 
after  that  Revolution  the  office  was  looked  upon 
with  feai-  and  suspicion.  Maryland  was  no  less 
sensitive  than  Massachusetts  to  the  introduction 
of  an  irresponsible  authority,  and  hence  the 
failure  of  these  non-jurors.  The  introduction  of 
Bishops  was  str<mgiy  agitated  at  this  time,  and 
mention  is  made  in  17iJ4  of  a  legacy  of  two 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  left  by  the  late  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  towards  the  support  of  a 
Bishop  for  the  plantations.  Perhaps,  however, 
the  most  foitimate  thing  that  could  have 
ha])pened  to  the  church  in  the  colonies,  was  the 
non-int)-<xluction  (jf  Bishops  ;  for  certainly  had 
they  been  introdiu'ed  with  the  privileges  and 
l)rerogatives  that  go  with  the  office,  and  with 
the  associatiims  that  clung  about  it  as  an 
English  institution,  in  the  extreme  suspicion 
and  sensitiveness  of  the  peojile  to  any  api^roach 
to  arbiti'ary  jiowei-,  the  church  would  have  lost 
many  sons  and  daughters,  and  would  herself  have 
been  put  undei-  the  ban  of  jMiblic  ccmdemnation. 
For  a  Bisho})  hated  and  abhoired,  would  have 
been  more  damaging  than  many  parsons  scorned 
and  maligned.  A  Divine  Providence  was  doubt- 
less ordering  for  the  highest  good. 


158  CHURCH  LIFE 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE    PAKISH. 

Tlie  Rev,  Peter  Tustian,  the  second  rector  of 
St.  James'  Parish,  took  charge  of  the  same  on 
the  twenty-ninth  day  of  March  in  the  year  1722. 
He  had  come  to  America  in  the  year  1719,  as  a 
Missionary  sent  ont  l)y  the  Venerable  Society, 
and  had  at  first  gone  to  South  Carolina,  where  he 
remained  but  a  short  time,  being  found  in  St. 
Margaret's,  Westminster  Parish,  Maryland,  in 
1721.     The  form  of  his  induction  luns  as  follows: 

(Maryl'd  S.)  Charles  Calvert  Esq.,  Gov.  of 
Maryl'd,  Commander-in-CJhief,  to  the  Gent. of  the 
Vestry  of  St.  James's  Church  in  Ann  Arundell 
Co.     Greeting: 

Whereas,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Peter  Tustian,  an 
Orthodox  Minister  of  the  Church  of  England, 
was  sent  and  recommended  by  the  Lord  Bishop 
of  London  and  Diocesan  of  this  province,  to  offici- 
ate as  such  in  any  part  of  America,  I  do  there- 
fore hereby  recomend  and  appoint  the  said  Peter 
Tustian  to  be  rector  of  your  parish,  and  direct 
you  to  receive  him  as  incumbent  thereof,  and 
will  you  to  be  aiding  and  assisting  to  him  in  all 
things  becoming,  to  the  end  he  may  receive  the 
full  bennifits  and  perquisites  to  his  office  apper- 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  159 

taining,  together  witli  the  forty  pounds  of 
tobacco  per  poll  aiising  within  the  parish 
afores'd. 

Given  at  the  city  of  Annapolis  this  29tii  day  of 
March  in  the  7th  year  of  ye  dominion  of  the  Rt. 
Honorable  Charles,  Lord  Baron  of  Baltimoie, 
Absolute  Lord  and  Prop'ty  of  the  province  of 
Maryland  and  Avalon,  &c.,  Annoq:  Doni.  1722. 
and  in  the  8th  year  of  his  Majesties  reign. 

Ci  I  A.V  Calvert. 

For  some  reason  this  foim  of  the  induction  of 
Mr.  Tustian  did  not  prove  satisfactory  to  him,  so 
that  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  July  "he  utterly 
disclaimed  any  benitits"  arising  from  it,  and 
presented  a  second  letter  bearing  the  date  of  the 
iiftli  of  April,  which  reads  as  follows: 

''By  the  Hon.  Chas.  C'alvert  Esq.,  Captain 
Generall,  Lieut.  Gov.  &c.,  to  the  Gentle'm  of 
the  Yestry  of  St.  James"  Parrish  in  Ann  Arund'll 
County.     Greeting: 

Whereas,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Peter  Tustian  has  been 
sent  and  recomended  by  the  Right  Rev.  Father 
in  God,  Jno.  Lord  Bishop  of  London  and  Dio- 
cesan of  this  Province,  to  officiate  here  as  an 
Orthodox  Minister  of  the  Church  of  England,  I 
do  therefore  hereby  collate  and  appoint  the  said 
Peter  Tustian,  to  be  rector  of  your  parish,  and  I 
do  will  and  require  you  to  be  aiding  and  assist- 
ing to  him  the  said  Peter  Tustian,  so  that  he  may 
have  the  full  bennifits  of  the  forty  ix)unds  of 
tobacco  per  x^oll  arising  within  the  parrish  afore- 
said, together  with  all  other  bennifits  and  per- 
quisites thereunto  belonging:     Given,  &c. 

The  two  forms,  it  will  be  observed,  differ  in 
some  respects,  the  second  being  in  some  particu- 


160  CHURCH  LIFE 

lars  more  explicit.  There  fseems  to  have  been  no 
settled  form  at  this  time  ax)p()inted,  and  it  was 
pro])ably  to  x^i'ovide  against  contingencies  that 
Mr.  Tustian  sought  to  have  everything  exact. 
He  may  have  thought  that  difficulties  might 
arise,  as  afterwards  they  did,  between  him  and 
the  vestry,  and  he  would  provide  against  techni- 
calities upon  which  the  vestry  might  seize.  80 
that  the  Governor's  title  is  more  accurately  given 
and  the  due  legal  name  and  style  of  the  JBishop 
of  London.  Also,  we  have  the  term  "collate" 
instead  of  "'reccmimend,"'  and  the  clerk's  attesta- 
tion is  appended  that  such  is  a  true  copy.  The 
times  were  beginning  to  get  troublous,  and  Mr. 
Tustian  may  have  ])roceeded  out  of  abundant 
caution.  The  subsequent  difficulty  into  which 
he  got  with  the  vestry  proves  him  to  have  been  a 
man  of  great  })ersistency. 

It  will  be  observed  also  that  both  these  forms 
differ  from  that  of  Mr.  Hall  in  1698,  the  reason  of 
which  was  that  in  1715,  ui)on  the  Lords  Balti- 
more becoming  Protestant  again,  having  abjured 
the  Roman  faith,  the  administration  of  their 
colony  was  restored  to  them,  and  continued  in 
their  hands  till  1770.  The  Charles  Calvert  who 
who  signed  the  above,  was  not  the  prox^rietary. 
as  is  seen,  but  of  a  collateral  l^ranch  of  the 
family.  It  is  to  ])e  observed,  however,  that  he 
acts  by  his  own  authority,  and  says  '*I  collate 
and  appoint;"  for  such  was  a  governor's  function 
under  the  law  of  1702,  it  not  being  supposable, 
that  while  the  colony  wiis  under  the  royal  juris- 
diction, the  ai)pointnients  to  beneiices  in  Mary- 
land should  proceed  from  a  higher  source. 
Afterwards  when   a   coronet,   and   not   a   crown 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  IGl 

adorned  the  head  of  the  absolute  Lord  of  Mary- 
land, the  governors  were,  tlKJUgh  long  after  this, 
deprived  of  this  prerogative,  and  his  Lordship, 
falling  back  upon  his  charter,  collated  the  in- 
cumbents himself,  a  change  in  the  agent  that 
Avas  not  always  profitable  to  the  people.  For  the 
dignity  of  his  Lordship's  title  was  sometimes  far 
superior  to  the  dignity  of  his  character,  and  boon 
companions  of  hii  revels  in  London,  were  the 
commissioned  objects  of  his  favor  for  Maryland. 

Nor  are  we  to  understand  of  the  Bishop  of 
London's  recommendation  that  it  was  any  guar- 
antee of  the  man' s  good  character  or  qualification 
for  ministeral  work.  For  on  a  clergyman's  i^re- 
senting  his  papers,  unless  the  Bishop  knew  of 
some  error  or  fault  in  him  he  must  receive  him, 
and  allow  him  to  become  eligible  in  his  diocese 
to  any  i^osition  that  might  be  bestowed  upon 
him.  He  could  proceed  against  him  if  he  knew 
of  occasion;  otherwise  the  man  was  in  good 
standing.  That  was  all  that  was  meant  by  the 
words  of  the  induction,  "sent  and  recom- 
mended." It  would  be  sad  to  make  a  Bishop 
responsible  for  the  bad  men  that  may  from  time 
to  time  afflict  his  diocese;  though  it  is  to  be  feared 
that  due  scrutiny  was  not  always  used  of  the 
record  of  those  sent  over  to  America. 

As  regards  Mr  Tustian,  however,  he  was  a 
good  man,  and  at  the  same  time  a  man  of  ability 
apparently.  For  in  the  year  1731,  when  the 
province  was  still  in  the  throes  of  its  great 
troubles,  and  also  excited  against  the  clergy  in 
the  matter  of  the  forty  pounds,  we  find  liim 
highly  commended  for  having  preached  an  excel- 
lent sermon  before  the  Governor  of  the  colony 


162  CHURCH  LIFE 

and  the  two  houses  of  the  Assembly,  a  good  old 
custom  of  those  days;  for  if  there  was  some 
23reachiiig  to  those  honorable  gentlemen  now, 
doubtless  prayers  for  them  would  be  more  effec- 
tual. His  work  in  the  parish  also,  would  indi- 
cate that  he  belonged  to  a  higher  class  of  men. 
For  fortunately  we  have  two  formal  reports  from 
him  concerning  the  parish's  condition.  The 
first  of  these  is  in  the  year  1724,  two  years  after 
he  became  rector,  and  from  it  we  learn  that  there 
were  then  within  its  borders  about  one  hundred 
and  fifty  families.  Of  these  about  two-thirds  are 
described  as  attending  church,  while  the  dis- 
senters are  declared  to  have  been,  of  Quakers 
forty  families,  of  Papists  five  families,  and  of 
Presbyterians  and  Anabaptists  one  each.  As 
many  as  forty  persons  sometimes  received  Holy 
Communion,  which  was  administered  monthly. 
The  negro  slaves  are  described  as  infidels,  and 
their  children  but  rarely  baptised.  Why  this 
should  have  been  so  it  is  difficult  to  apprehend; 
because,  as  already  seen,  one  of  the  difficulties 
that  Mr.  Hall  had  had  in  the  beginning  of  his 
ministry,  was  because  of  his  baptizing  negro  slaves. 
It  may  have  been  that  Quaker  influence,  more  than 
one-fourth  of  the  people  in  the  parish  being  of 
that  name,  or  political  misrepresentation  about 
the  civil  effect  of  baptism,  that  it  freed  the  slaves, 
or  both,  had  caused  the  rite  to  be  neglected.  It 
is  certain,  however,  as  the  register  shows,  that  Mr. 
Tustian  baptised  very  few  of  either  whites  or  neg- 
roes, or  if  he  did  they  are  not  recorded.  One  of 
the  great  leading  subjects  at  this  time  was  the  care 
of  slaves,  and  also  of  the  Indians,  some  of  which 
latter  were  still  found  in  the  province.     Many  of 


ly  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  in8 

the  clergy  were  diligent  in  baptizing  the  blncks, 
and  Mr.  Tnstian,  in  his  second  re^iort  in  1731, 
says  that  he  has  in  his  parish  large  nnmhers  of 
"christian  negroes."  And  it  was  not  only  bapt- 
ism that  was  insisted  on;  it  was  instruction  as 
well.  Upon  this  point  dwelt  the  Bishop  in  his 
communications,  and  also  the  commissary;  and 
often  their  appeals  were  resj^onded  to  by  not 
only  the  clergy,  but  by  the  masters  and  mis- 
tresses also.  This  is  the  testimony,  while  of 
course  we  lind  the  masters,  in  some  places, 
objecting  to  such  instruction  because  it  made  the 
servants  "rogues,"  a  constituency  of  grumblers 
that  existed  to  the  last  days  of  the  ''twin  relic." 
A  man  of  strong  parts  was  ever  able,  however, 
to  accomplish  this,  as  all  other  good  things. 
Mr.  Tustian  evidently  possesed  these  jiarts,  and 
certainly  he  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  slave;  for 
in  his  last  report  made  to  convocation,  he  says, 
that  "ever  since  he  came  into  the  the  parish  he 
had  had  a  large  number  of  Christian  negroes." 
Some  of  them  were  communicants,  and  a  great 
many  had  been  baptised.  The  inconsistency 
between  the  two  reports  is  probably  to  be  ex- 
plained by  the  fact,  that  at  the  time  of  the  first 
one  he  was  not  familiar  with  the  true  state  of 
things. 

But  it  was  not  religious  instruction  only  that 
was  looked  to  and  provided  for.  It  was  urged 
for  all  classes,  the  great  work  of  the  church  in 
the  midst  of  the  unfavorable  circumstances  of 
the  colony.  But  secular  education  was  no  less 
aimed  at,  a  law  having  been  passed  in  1723  pro- 
viding for  the  establishment  of  one  school  in 
each  county,  as  near  the  centre  as  possible.     The 


164  CHURCH  LIFE 

aim  also 'was  to  make  them  free,  and  for  that 
end  a  farm  of  one  hundred  acres  of  land  was 
to  be  purchased.  Certain  fines  also  were  appro- 
l)riated  in  that  way.  How  far  the  system  proved 
effective  is  not  known;  tliough  such  schools 
continued  to  exist  down  through  the  colonial 
period.  Some  of  them  were  afterwards  combined 
together  to  form  schools  of  a  higher  grade;  for 
the  course  of  instruction  proposed  for  the  earlier 
institutions,  was  not  very  thorough,  the  qualili- 
cations  for  the  teacher  being  '  'That  he  be  capable  of 
teaching  well  the  Grammar,  good  Avriting  and 
matlieinatics,  if  such  can  conveniently  be  got." 
Charlotte  Hall  and  Washington  College  had  their 
origin  in  these  schools.  King  William's  School, 
out  of  which  St.  John's  College  grew,  was  insti- 
tuted much  earlier  than  this,  being  provided  for 
by  an  act  of  the  Assembly  in  1696.  These  schools 
also  were  to  be  Christian  institutions;  and  it  is 
one  item  marking  the  esteem  of  the  people  and 
the  conhdence  in  which  the  clergy  were  held, 
that  one  of  them  was  to  be  head  of  each  county 
board  of  managers. 

-  In  addition  to  such  schools  there  were  various 
private  ones  throughout  the  colony,  taught 
chiefly  hj  the  clergy,  of  whom  there  were  many 
who  were  very  well  qualified  for  this  task.  For 
in  all  23eriods  there  were  men  of  eminent  talents 
and  education,  like  Mr.  Skipjion,  who  in  1723 
was  described  as  an  excellent  scholar.  They 
were  found  also  able  to  wield  a  trenchant  pen  and 
whenever  the  battle  of  controversy  raged  they 
were  found  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  There 
were  also  schools  sometimes  on  plantations, 
family  schools  with  private  tutors;  though  here 


ly  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  165 

the  grade,  one  would  suppose,  was  not  so  liigli, 
judging  from  the  lollowing  advertisement  under 
date  of  1774,  "To  be  sold,  a  schoolmaster,  an 
indented  servant,  who  has  two  years  to  serve. 
N.  B. — He  is  sold  for  no  fault,  any  more  than  we 
have  done  with  him.  He  can  learn  book-keeping 
and  is  an  excellent  good  scholar."  Altogether, 
the  standard  of  education  was  not  generally  high, 
and  a  great  deal  of  what  is  called  "quaint''  as 
belonging  to  that  day  was  simply  odd  because 
the  work  of  the  unlettered.  But  at  the  same 
time  in  all  the  departments  of  life,  there  were 
gentlemen  of  cultivation  and  learning,  with 
extensive  attainments;  some  of  whom  had  gone 
abroad  for  their  training;  while  the  frequent 
agitation  of  the  times  brightened  the  wits  and 
fostered  the  the  consideration  of  great  questions, 
so  that  some  of  the  names  of  Maryland's  worthies 
of  that  early  period  will  never  be  forgotten. 
The  planters,  however,  were  doubtless  not  edu- 
cated, but  were  blessed  with  abundant  common 
sense  and  penetration;  while  the  whole  laboring 
class  was  ignorant  of  the  commonest  rudiments. 
Some  of  the  things  mentioned  in  the  records  of 
those  times  surprise  and  interest  us  now,  })nrti('u- 
larly  because  they  are  associated  Avith  some  mod- 
ern causes  for  discussion.  Among  these  is  the 
question  jiropounded  among  the  articles  of 
enquiry  of  the  year  1717  "Do  your  parishioners 
use  due  and  lowly  reverence  when  they  hear  the 
name  of  the  Blessed  Jesus'';!  Also  "  have  you  a 
font  at  the  lower  end  of  the  church'';!  How  they 
were  answered  we  are  not  told,  though  prol)ably 
the  rules  in  such  cases  were  observed  in  various 
places.     If  so,  they  had  ceased  to  be,  not  only  in 


166  CHURCH  LIFE 

]\Iaryland,  but  generally  in  other  parts  of 
America  before  the  hnal  disruption.  There  were, 
however,  many  irregular  things  done  in  those 
days,  as  we  may  well  believe  ;  for  if  discipline 
failed  in  other  respects  there  certainly  was  not 
enough  of  it  to  keep  men  from  indifference  in 
the  matter  of  rabrical  order.  Things  were  not  as 
bad  though  in  Marjdand  as  they  were  in  Virginia. 
For  the  picture  which  the  Rev.  Hugh  Jones 
draws  in  1724,  though  he  had  been  in  Maryland, 
Avas  of  things  in  the  sister  colony.  Maryland 
churchmanship  was  always  more  orderly,  chiefly 
because  the  pulpit  was  more  independent  of  the 
pews,  and  consulted  its  own  sense  of  what  was 
right  and  becoming.  Mr.  Jones'  words  are : 
"In  several  resx3ects  the  clergyman  is  obliged  to 
omit  or  alter  parts  of  the  liturgy  and  deviate 
from  the  strict  discipline  to  avoid  giving  offence. 
Thus  surplices,  disused  there  for  a  long  time  in 
most  churches  by  bad  examples,  carelessness 
and  indulgence,  are  now  beginning  to  be  brought 
into  fashion,  not  without  difficulty  ;  and  in  some 
parishes,  where  the  people  have  been  used  to 
receive  the  communion  in  their  seats,  a  custom 
introduced  for  opportunity  for  such  as  were 
inclined  to  Presbytery,  to  receive  the  sacrament 
sitting;  it  is  not  so  easy  a  matter  to  bring  them 
to  the  Lord's  table  on  their  knees."  The  surplice 
was  always  used  in  Maryland,  certainly  in  most 
places,  through  the  days  of  the  colony.  In  St. 
James'  Parish  this  vestment  is  frequently  men- 
tioned, while  there  is  no  allusion  whatever  to 
the  gown.  How  the  great  change  could  have 
come  about  that  the  gown  became  the  vestment 
in  common  use,  displacing  the  surplice,  would 
afford  a  curious  stud  v. 


ly  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  1*67 

St.  James'  Parisli  continued  tlirongh  all  this 
period  to  increase  in  numbers  and  to  grow 
strong  in  spiritual  life  ;  nor  is  there  any  evidence 
that  the  skepticism  that  existed  in  certain  parts 
of  the  colony  was  found  here.  How  far  it 
existed  anywhere  in  the  colony  it  is  difficult  to 
say  ;  for  in  this,  as  in  a  great  many  other  things 
then,  there  was  a  good  deal  of  exaggeration. 
Preachers  preaching  the  truth  were  a  great 
preservative  against  this  j^estilence ;  and  such 
blessing  doub*:less  most  of  the  parishes  of  Mary- 
land, along  with  St.  James,"  enjoyed.  That  it 
did  exist,  however,  the  terrible  law  of  1723,  l^ef ore 
noted,  indicates,  a  law  like  that  of  1649,  visiting 
with  fine,  forfeiture,  branding,  imprisonment 
and  death  any  persons  "blaspheming"  the 
Holy  Name,  or  denying  the  Trinity,  or  the 
Divinity  of  our  Blessed  Lord ;  only  the  earlier 
act  included  under  its  ban  those  who  should  fail 
in  reverence  for  the  Virgin  Mary.  Whether 
such  a  law  could  have  been  enforced  in  the 
eighteenth  century  is  doubtful,  or  whether  it 
was  only  enacted  as  a  protest  by  the  civil 
authority  against  what  was  feared  as  a  growing 
spirit  of  the  times.  Certainly  the  iniquity  did 
abound  abroad  and  was  very  fashionable.  The 
law  evidences  one  thing  very  clearly,  that  Chris- 
tianity was  felt  to  be  the  mainstay  and  hope  of 
the  in'ovince,  and  that  offence  offered  to  it  was 
regarded  as  the  highest  crime,  Maryland  was 
not  narrowly  dogmatic,  for  all  forms  of  belief 
and  worship  were  tolerated  ;  but  it  was  strongly 
religious  and  dreaded  unbelief  as  an  element  and 
cause  of  ruin. 

That  St.  James'  continued  to  grow  in  numbers 


168  CHURCH  LIFE 

is  manifested  by  the  furtlier  demand  made  at 
this  time  for  the  enlargement  of  tlie  parish 
church.  Tliat  demand  was  evidently  very  large 
and  very  pressing,  and  was  satisfied  in  two  ways; 
in  1722  a  gallery  being  erected  across  the  west 
end  of  the  building,  extending  out  ten  feet,  and 
in  1723  the  east  end  of  the  church  was  opened 
and  an  addition  of  twelve  feet  made  to  it,  thus 
together  increasing  the  capacity  of  the  church 
for  worshippers  much  more  than  one-half,  if  not 
nearly  doubling  it.  For  outside  the  chancel  in 
the  original  building  there  were  probably  not  more 
than  thirty  feet  available  for  pews.  The  contract 
for  this  last  work  sounds  rather  odd  to  our  ears, 
being  as  follows  :  "Agreed  with  John  Polston  to 
build  an  addition  to  the  east  end  of  the  church, 
extending  twelve  foot,  and  the  same  width  of  the 
said  church,  to  be  sealed  within  like  the  other 
part,  to  make  a  handsome  altar-piece,  a  new 
communion  table,  two  new  window  frames,  and 
one  for  the  end  of  the  addition,  if  the  vestry 
thinks  convenient ;  to  fix  the  bannisters  around 
the  said  table,  as  before  removed,  the  said  Pol- 
ston to  tind  everything  toM^ards  the  said  structure, 
having  liberty  to  take  framing  stuff  from  the 
glebe  land  for  the  said  addition  ;  all  which  is  to 
be  done  workmanlike  ;  in  consideration  whereof 
the  vestry  agrees  to  give  the  said  Polston  nine 
thousand  pounds  of  tobacco  and  liberty  of 
making  and  disposing  of  the  pews  in  the  said 
addition,  the  said  work  to  be  done,  &c."  In  due 
time  the  work  was  completed  and  "  the  said  " 
Polston  sold  the  eight  pews,  there  appearing  to 
be  a  very  large  demand  ;  for  as  small  as  they 
necessarily  were,  the  most  of  them  were  sold  to 


ly^  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  109 

two  persons  conjointly,  and  one  of  them  to  three. 
The  era  of  church  building  had  not  yet  set  in, 
though  from  1732  onwards  churches  were  erected. 
The  period  of  rebuilding  came  in  latei',  about 
forty  years  after  this  time.  The  original  small 
frame  buildings  had  to  do  duty  for  some  years 
yet.  The  distinction  between  communion  table 
and  altar  is  more  in  agreement  with  Methodist 
nsage  than  our  own  at  present,  and  like  the 
present  title,  "Protestant  Episcopal,"  found 
nearly  sixty  years  before  this  time,  show^s  that 
more  things  have  been  inherited  from  those  days 
than  we  give  them  credit  for.  What  may  have 
been  the  architectural  appearance  of  the  church 
after  all  these  changes,  is  a  difficult  question, 
but  doubtless  the  longing  was  fostered  for  the 
time  when  a  structure  worthy  of  the  parish  and 
large  enough  to  provide  room  for  all  that  might 
come  to  worship,  might  be  erected. 

Things  pi'oceeded  quietly  in  the  parish  during 
Mr.  Tustian's  ministry,  the  vestry  attending  to 
their  various  duties  of  caring  for  the  material 
welfare  of  the  church,  the  moral  condition  of  the 
people,  and  the  financial  affairs  of  the  common- 
wealth within  their  jurisdiction.  The  last  they 
performed  by  appointing  counters  to  regulate 
and  control  the  growth  of  tobacco,  the  law  for- 
bidding at  this  time  more  than  a  limited  amount 
to  each  taxable,  7,000  plants;  with  half  that 
quantity  to  non-taxables.  Their  care  for  the 
morals  of  the  people  is  shown  by  the  following, 
of  the  date  of  1733:  "Upon  complaint  of  Samuel 
Taylor  and  Ann  Howard's  unlawfully  cohabiting 
together,  this  vestry  has  ordered  that  the  said 
Samuel  Taylor  and  Ann  Howard  be  snmmoned 


170  CHURCH  LIFE 

to  appear  before  them  at  the  Parrish  Church  on 
Tuesday  the  24th  day  of  July,  to  answer  to  the 
above  complaint."  This  summons  was  obeyed, 
and  upon  the  ai^jDearance  of  the  parties  they 
were  informed  by  the  vestry  that  upon  examina- 
tion, the  charge  was  well  founded,  and  they  were 
ordered  to  mend  their  ways.  Fortunately  such 
cases  were  now  far  less  frequent.  By  a  law 
passed  in  17B0,  persons  refusing  to  become 
vestrymen  upon  election,  were  fined  a  thousand 
IDOunds  of  tobacco,  the  amount  at  first  laid  upon 
church  wardens  for  refusing  to  serve.  If  they  did 
serve,  the  service  was  to  be  real  and  not  merely 
nominal,  for  refusal  or  failure  to  attend  the  meet- 
ings of  the  vestry  subjected  the  delinquent  to  a 
further  penalty. 

The  church  at  this  time  came  into  possession 
of  the  silver  bason  which  it  still  has,  the  gift 
provided  for  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hall  in  his  will. 
In  1724  Mr.  Tustian  reported  to  the  vestry  that 
he  had  received  from  Mrs.  Mary  Hall  bills  of 
exchange  for  ten  pounds  sterling,  which  amount 
the  vestry  authorized  him  to  expend  according  to 
the  terms  of  the  legacy,  and  in  1726  we  have  the 
account  rendered  for  the  total  of  the  bason,  ten 
pounds  and  six  shillings.  Also  in  1723  we  find 
William  Loch  Esq.,  informing  the  vestry  "that 
it  was  the  desire  of  his  wife  \\\)0\\  her  death  bedd 
to  give  the  sum  of  ten  pounds  towards  adorning 
the  altar  of  St.  James'  Parrish  Church  with  the 
Creed,  Lord's  Prayer  and  Ten  Commandments, 
which  according  to  her  desire  he  is  ready  to 
comply  with.  Whereupon  he  desired  the  vestry 
to  agree  with  the  joyner  for  the  same."  This 
was  done,  and  according  to  the  lady's  pious  wish 


IN  COLONIAL  3LA11YLAND.  171 

the  tablets  were  set  iij),  the  same  doubtless  that 
at  present  are  found  in  the  church;  having  been 
transferred  when  the  present  edilice  rex^laced  the 
old  one. 

The  last  mention  we  liaA-e  of  Mr.  Tustian  as 
rector  of  St.  James'  was  in  the  year  1732.  In  the 
year  1726  he  had  gone  to  England,  remaining 
away  probal)ly  over  a  year,  as  we  have  no  men- 
tion of  him  for  nearly  eighteen  months.  Nor 
were  any  vestry  meetings,  it  seems,  held  within 
this  time  exce2:)t  one,  wliich  may  mean  that  the 
church  was  closed  or  that  the  rector's  presence 
was  needed  to  keep  affairs  active.  After  his 
withdrawal  from  the  parish  temporary  supx^ly 
was  secured,  apparently  by  the  vestry,  in  the 
services  of  the  Rev.  John  Urquhart,  for  nearly  a 
year,  and  it  is  possible  that  Mr.  Tustian  made 
some  such  provision  for  his  absence.  The  parish 
was  peaceful  during  his  incumbency,  as  far  as 
we  can  discern,  though  the  church  in  the  pro- 
vince was  so  much  disturbed.  Later  on,  however, 
we  find  him  engaged  in  a  laAv-suit  concerning  his 
salary,  having  sued  the  sheriff'  for  sums  due  as 
Rector  of  St.  James.'  The  vestry  authorized  the 
sheriff  to  allow  the  proceeding,  and  secured  him 
against  loss.  The  case  having  been  passed  upon 
in  the  colony  and  decided  against  Mr.  Tustian,  it 
was  carried  to  England  by  appeal.  How  it  was 
finally  settled  there  we  do  not  know,  nor  do  we 
know  what  the  ground  of  the  suit  was.  It  ran 
through  a  number  of  years,  the  appeal  being 
taken'in  1740. 


172  CHURCH  LIFE 


CHAPTER    XII. 

THIRD     K  E  C  T  O  II  S  HIP. 
GENERAL    REVIEW, 

The  period  we  have  now  reached  was,  for  a 
large  part  of  it,  marked  with  quietness  both  in 
England  and  the  colonies.  In  the  former  the  great 
series  of  whig  administrations,  which  reached 
over  an  interval  of  about  tifty  years,  persevered  in 
their  policy  of  peace,  laying  deep  and  strong 
that  marvelous  foundation  on  which  England's 
glory  and  prosperity  to  this  day  rest.  As  l:)efore 
noted  she  sacrificed  nothing  in  dignity  by  this 
policy;  for  she  maintained  always  a  position 
commanding  the  respect  of  the  nations  of  Europe. 
How  far  her  inactivity  may  have  been  the  result 
of  choice,  or  how  far  it  may  have  resulted  from  the 
exigencies  of  her  situation  in  resj^ect  of  the  lidiise 
of  Stuart,  that  through  this  period  watched  its 
opportunity  to  make  a  successful  descent  upon 
England,  is  a  question;  but  certain  it  is  that 
there  was  abundant  opportunity  for  an  active 
foreign  policy  in  the  wars  upon  the  continent, 
had  England  desired  such  opportunity.  Men  of 
peace  were,  however,  at  the  head  of  affairs,  who 
loved  peace  for  its  fruits;  and  bending  all  their 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  17b 

energies,  and  the  force  of  a  wonderful  organiza- 
tion, to  maintain  their  ends,  they  created  a  new 
Enghmd,  both  in  the  deveh)penient  of  home 
industries  and  in  the  extension  of  an  all-embracing 
foreign  commerce.  Afterwards  the  country- 
broke  loose  from  her  peaceful  habits  and  entered 
upon  a  course  of  almost  wild  indulgence  in 
foreign  wars,  and  luxuriated  in  the  sound  of 
battles  and  the  scenes  of  carnage.  But  whether 
peace  or  war,  every  policy  advanced  England's 
greatness;  for  to  all  quarters  of  the  globe  she  at 
this  time  extended  her  arms  and  established  the 
beginnings  of  the  greatest  empire  that  the  world 
has  ever  seen.  She  lost  America;  for  she  had 
not  yet  learned  how  to  keej:)  her  grown  up  child- 
ren at  home;  and  she  would  not  recognize  that 
the  American  colonies  were  not  still  in  their  non- 
age: but  she  gained  much  else  in  their  place,  and 
what  she  then  gained  she  knows  now  how  to 
keep,  and  she  is  the  mother  country  lieloved, 
admired,  glorified,  to  millions  in  every  division 
of  the  globe. 

But  these  great  conceptions  had  a  secondary 
influence.  For  whether  she  regarded  the  ways 
of  peace  as  advancing  her  internal  prosperity,  or 
whether  as  a  giant  she  was  struggling  with  the 
giants  of  the  earth,  so  was  her  attention  absorbed 
in  the  grander  scenes  that  it  became  impossible 
for  her  to  assume  the  narrowness  of  religious 
bigotry;  but  rather,  by  the  very  force  of  her 
circumstances  her  old  persecuting  edicts  became 
practically  obsolete  and  ready  to  vanish  away. 
For  bigotry  and  enterprise  do  not  go  hand  in 
hand,  but  rather  the  former  flourishes  only  in 
the  self -absorption  of  a  provincial  temper;,  and 


174  CHURCH  LIFE 

to  lift  a  nation  or  an  indiviclua]  ont  of  tliis,  and 
expand  its  faculties,  its  sympathies,  its  ambition, 
is  the  sure  and  efficient  means  of  doing  away 
with  religious  or  social  intolerance.  So  ancient 
Rome  was  tolerant  of  all  religions  until  tliey 
were  feared  as  working  sedition.  So  Cliarles  V. 
as  in  contrast  with  his  son,  was  tolerant,  though 
he  lived  in  unfortunate  days.  So  Holland,  in  the 
days  of  her  greatness,  was  the  freest  of  European 
states,  and  William  III.  of  England,  her  pupil, 
the  hrst  liberal  minded  monarch  of  that  realm. 
So  the  American  colonies  were  in  their  earlier 
days  intolerant  in  contrast  to  the  times  of  their 
later  expansion,  when  they  were  brought  to  con- 
tend for  larger  civil  rights.  Such  narrowness  in 
America  died  a  hastened  death  because  of  the 
great  questions  that  led  to  and  were  finally 
determined  by  the  protracted  struggles  of  the 
Revolution.  Small  objects  become  invisible  as 
great  ones  loom  up  before  the  eye.  And  so 
the  great  comprehensive  enterprise  of  the  home 
country  worked  out  its  effects  there.  The 
national  mind  had  no  time  for  the  old  subjects 
that  had  agitated  it. 

To  bring  about  this  end  had  been  the  policy  of 
whig  ministries,  a  part  of  their  general  scheme 
for  peace  and  quietness.  The  people  must  not 
be  agitated,  but  every  party  and  faction,  as  far 
as  possible,  conciliated.  So  with  Walj)ole,  who 
was  the  great  leading  figure  of  that  2^ei'iod.  His 
rule  was,  to  offend  nobody^  but  by  every  possible 
device  to  satisfy  or  keep  quiet  all.  So  with  the 
Test  and  Corporation  acts.  Should  he  enforce 
these  the  whole  body  of  non-conformists  would 
be  terribly  excited^  and  Parliament  itself  would. 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  175 

be  shaken;  but  should  he  re^Deal  them  the 
churchmen,  who  had  lost  none  of  their  sensitive- 
ness, and  the  whole  company  of  English  squires, 
whose  only  learning  then,  whatever  it  may  be 
now.  was  the  traditions  of  their  fathers,  their 
prejudices  and  antipathies,  would  have  been 
grievously  offended.  Neither  of  these  things 
therefore  did  he  do,  but  avoided  danger  for 
himself  and  his  schemes,  by  allowing  the  laws 
to  continue  and  having  passed  annually  an  act  of 
indemnity  for  those  who  had  rendered  themselves 
liable  to  indictment. 

This  was  the  policy  the  Whigs  pursued,  and 
it  has  been  more  or  less  the  policy  of  the  Whig 
or  Liberal  party  from  that  day  to  this, — to 
provide  first  of  all  for  the  things  that  advance 
the  prosperity  of  the  people  at  home.  It  is  the 
party  of  advance  and  of  constant  adaptation, 
though  when  a  vigorous  foreign  policy  has 
been  found  necessary  the  liberal  party  has 
been  found  abundantly  capable  of  prosecuting  it. 
Speaking  of  this  long  continued  Whig  adminis- 
tration, an  eminent  authority  of  to-day,  Green, 
in  his  Short  History,  says  "Before  the  fifty  years 
of  their  rule  had  passed  Englishmen  had  for- 
gotten that  it  was  possible  to  persecute  for  differ- 
ences of  religion,  or  to  put  down  the  liberty  of 
the  press,  or  to  tamj)er  with  the  administration 
of  justice,  or  to  rule  without  a  Parliament." 
Thus  was  laid  the  foundation  hi  the  England  of 
to-day. 

But  this  general  delineation  must  be  modified 
by  a  few  other  lines.  For  it  is  a  necessary 
question,  how  far  this  liability  of  the  govern- 
ment   in  regard  to  religious  matters,   was  the 


176  CHURCH  LIFE 

result  of  statesmanship,  and  how  far  it  was  the 
result  of  indifference.  It  was  doubtless  the  best 
possible  rule  to  adojrt.  but  also  that  time  was  in 
a  remarkable  degree  distinguished  for  the  scepti- 
cism of  those  highest  in  position,  for  depravity 
in  morals  and  for  looseness  in  the  matter  of 
social  and  domestic  virtues.  And  all  this  was 
open  and  notorious,  so  that  those  highest  in 
office  as  well  as  society,  not  only  uttered  the 
foulest  language,  but  were  guilty  of  drunken- 
ness, and  thought  nothing  of  parading  their 
excesses  l)efore  the  world.  From  the  court  down, 
the  enormity  was  everywhere  presented.  There 
was  not  enough  care  for  religion  in  high  quarters 
to  persecute  because  of  it. 

And  the  general  rule  held  good,  like  people  like 
priest,  and  that  not  only  in  the  church  but  in  the 
dissenting  bodies.  There  was  a  decay  of  religion 
everywhere.  England  was  striving  to  be  rich, 
and  wbrdly  prosperity  was  abounding.  Life, 
activity,  enterprise,  filled  the  land,  and  a  great 
future  was  opening  up  before  the  minds  of  the 
peox^le;  and  the  inevitable  result  was  that  syiirit- 
ual  prosperity  and  eternity  faded  from  the 
people's  conciousness.  They  made  no  demand, 
had  no  interest  in  a  pure,  vigorous  gospel,  and 
the  ministers  of  the  gospel,  hardly  concious,  may 
be,  of  the  influences  to  which  they  were  sub- 
jected, gave  way  before  the  deluge  of  the  time. 
So  that  the  testimony  is  the  strongest  possible 
that  laxity  ruled  amongst  the  clergy  as  every- 
where else.  They  were  described  as  being  "the 
most  lifeless  in  Europe,  the  most  remiss  of  their 
labors  in  private  and  the  least  severe  in  their 
lives."     Nor  is  the  testimony  only  by  scoffers  or 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  177 

by  the  wits  of  the  ale  houses.  The  clergy  them- 
selves are  brought  forward  as  witnesses;  and 
the  consequence  is,  that  we  must  look  back  upon 
that  time,  the  period  which  we  have  now  under 
view,  as  presenting  the  saddest  conceivable  pic- 
ture of  apathy,  indolence,  self-indulgence,  and 
recklessness  of  common  report.  The  ale  house, 
and  the  sporting  held  constrained  the  attention 
of  those  who  wore  the  surplice;  so  that  it  was 
thought  no  disgrace  to  advertise:  "Wanted,  a 
curacy  in  a  good  sporting  country  where  the 
duty  is  ligh^  and  the  neighborhood  convivial." 
And  public  ministrations  were  in  harmony  with 
this,  dull,  cold,  lifeless  condition.  Men  were  afraid, 
apparently,  of  showing  interest  in  their  work  lest 
they  should  be  reviled  as  "Methodists,"  and  all 
were  satisfied  with  the  baldest  j)resentation  of 
heartless  sentiments.  It  was  from  such  persons 
at  home  that  America  had  to  be  supplied. 

But  what  else  was  to  be  expected  {  It  was  the 
day  when  the  slave  trade  was  i)romoted,  when  the 
knowledge  of  human  rights  was  the  lowest  possi- 
ble, when  the  Queen  could  issue  her  royal  edict 
for  the  encouragement  of  the  trade,  when  the 
protests  of  the  colonists  against  the  flood  that 
was  coming  in  on  them,  were  regarded  as  little 
short  of  treason.  A  state  of  society  where  such 
things  could  be  done,  was  not  as  yet  capable  of 
religious  feeling  of  high  order,  or  of  response 
to  generous  sentiments.  Religion  is  expansive 
and  unless  it  expands  it  perishes.  No  man  can 
love  Grod  as  the  God  only  of  himself;  he  must 
love  Him  as  the  God  of  other  people  as  well,  as 
the  God  of  all  mankind.  This  was  seen  at  that 
time,  as  in  the  burning  heart  of  Wesley  or  of 


178  CHURCH  LIFE 

Whitiield,  who  sought  not  only  England  but  the 
colonies  as  the  field  of  their  labor.  So  all  great 
religious  movements  have  resulted  in  the  exten- 
sion of  the  gospel,  and  they  have  resulted  either 
in  the  attempt  to  proselyte  the  i)eople  of  the 
same  country,  which  has  often  degenerated  into 
persecution ;  or  else  the  religious  fervor  has 
sought  new  helds  wherein  to  manifest  itself.  So 
the  England  of  that  time.  It  had  lost  the  dispo- 
sition to  proselyte  the  non-conformists,  and  its 
sehse  of  the  human  rights  of  the  heathen,  was  so 
low  that  missions  to  them  were  impossible.  The 
nation  that  could  carry  on  the  slave  trade  could 
never  so  yearn  for  the  souls  of  men  as  to  send 
out  Missionaries  to  preach  the  gospel.  The  trade 
was  accomi^anied  with  the  very  extravagance  of 
horrors.  A  voice  of  a  Wilberforce  that  would 
not  cease  until  it  had  made  England  sick  with 
foul  loathing  of  its  own  depravity,  was  necessary 
before  England  could  rise  up  to  the  condition  in 
religious  matters  worthy  of  the  greatness  God 
had  bestowed  upon  her  in  the  midst  of  the 
nations.  A  universal  financial  prosperity,  a 
devotion  to  the  business  of  the  merchant  and  the 
chapman,  had  destroyed  the  power  of  apprehend- 
ing better  things,  the  things  of  God.  The  policy 
of  Walpole,  developed  as  Walpole  developed  it, 
was  England's  greatest  bane.  The  heroic  policy 
of  which  Pitt  was  the  great  exponent,  though  it 
drained  the  country  of  resources,  and  burdened 
it  with  a  hopeless  debt,  proved  infinitely  more 
valuable  for  the  true  welfare  of  the  country. 
Fortunately  for  England,  and  exhibiting  the  true 
merit  of  her  ^^eople,  forces  were  now^  j)reparing 
among  the  young  men  of  Oxford,  in   the  very 


7^V  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  179 

midst  of  tlie  S23intiial  barrenness  tliere,  whose 
ox»eriiti()n  was  to  renew  the  vigor  of  the  cold 
lifeless  body,  and  regenerate  and  energize  all  the 
strata  of  society  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest. 
2s^ow  such  being  the  condition  of  things  in 
England,  we  should  expect  what  we  lind,  a 
measurable  reproduction  of  the  same  in  America. 
For  the  Rev.  Thomas  Bacon,  writing  in  the  year 
1750  to  the  Venerable  Society,  dwells  with  great 
emphasis  upon  the  very  sad  condition  of  things. 
Speaking  of  the  prevalent  scepticism  of  the  day, 
he  gives  us  some  insight  into  the  form  it  assumed 
by  mentioT.ing  the  influence  of  Tindal,  who  was 
a  great  light  in  the  deistical  world.  Tindal 
called  himself  a  ""Christian  Deist,"  choosing  that 
title  as  best  suited  to  the  position  he  took  in  his 
most  celebrated  work,  x)ublished  in  1730,  "Christi- 
anity as  old  as  Creation  or  the  Gospel  a  republi- 
cation of  the  religion  of  nature.'''  For  the  phase 
of  his  deism  was,  that  claiming  for  Christianity 
the  highest  expression  of  a  moral  code  and 
worthy  of  ''an  inlinitelj^  wise  and  good  God,"  he 
denied  to  it  all  its  claim  to  miracles.  He  was 
answered  by  such  men  as  Dr.  Waterland.  He 
had,  however,  his  day,  and  was  received,  l)ecause 
he  was  the  expression  of  a  certain  morbid  senti- 
ment that  at  that  time  afflicted  the  community. 
For  so  without  doubt  are  we  to  regard  such 
passing  states  of  society,  whatever  may  be  the 
cause.  The  moral  and  spiritual  natures  of  men 
are  afflicted  with  epidemics,  as  well  as  their  phy- 
sical frames,  and  the  maladies  of  the  one  are  as 
easily  traceable  to  their  causes  as  the  other; 
while  also  the  mystery  that  hangs  about  each  of 
them  is  equal.     As  these  eindemics  retuiii  from 


180  CHURCH  LIFE 

time  to  time,  it  is  a  question  for  us  now  liovv  far 
our  period  is  afflicted  or  tlireatened. 

But  scepticism,  in  the  great  majority  of  cases, 
tliough  by  no  means  in  all,  is  closely  associated 
with,  even  as  it  has  its  origin  in,  a  low  standard 
of  living,  and  itself  promotes  the  growth  of  that 
which  gives  it  life.  And  herein,  doubtless,  we 
have  the  prime  occasion  of-  many  of  the  hard 
things  that  were  said  of  the  clergy  through  this 
time.  Some  of  the  clergy  deserved,  and  some  of 
them  did  not  deserve,  the  reputation  for  dreadful 
things  wdiich  was  made  to  gather  about  them. 
A  good  man  rebuking  vice  or  reproving  the 
wilful,  gets  scant  justice  from  those  whom  he  has 
endeavored  to  correct,  and  from  all  others  who 
are  in  sympathy  with  them,  and  whose  ways  are 
frowned  upon  in  the  rebuke  administered. 
Besides,  if  such  persons  have  been  able  to 
become  sceptics,  as  in  reason  they  must  desire, 
and  if  the  times  favor  scepticism,  as  those  times 
did,  for  it  was  in  the  air,  the  fashion  of  the  day; 
then  the  rebuke  is  regarded  as  the  insolence  of 
of  priest-craft,  and  woe  betide  the  poor  parson, 
every  page  of  whose  record  is  not  wTitten  in 
clear  letters  of  light  for  all  to  read.  For  if  there 
be  the  slightest  ground  for  a  charge,  or  an 
apparent  flaw  on  which  to  hang  a  misrepresenta- 
tion, the  whole  body  of  sceptics  is  excited  with 
apostolic  ardor,  and  the  whole  company  of  God's 
ministers  are  made  to  suffer.  Our  Savior  in  His 
day  was  to  some  a  glutton  and  a  wine-bitter. 

But  not  only  in  this  way  was  evil  wrought. 
The  whole  tone  of  the  day  was  low.  It  was  a 
time  of  transition,  notably  in  America,  and 
highly  so  in   Maryland.     People's  minds  were 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  181 

agitated  by  great  questions,  but  they  were  all  of 
tile  earth.  And  mixed  with  the  questions  were 
prejudice  and  bitter  passions.  Politics  ruled  the 
hour  with  all  its  demoralizing  as  well  as  its 
enobling  inlluences,  and  finer  sentiments  were 
blunted.  And  the  clergy,  whose  interests  were 
involved  in  some  measure,  and  whose  instincts 
and  education  were  in  many  ways  j^layed  upon, 
sank  to  this  level,  and  it  l3ecame  'iike  people 
like  priest."  They  were  secularized,  they  became 
worldly,  they  fell  from  the  high  posirion  which 
by  their  calling  belonged  to  them;  and  with  this 
secularizati  m  they  doubtless  conformed  to  the 
world  about  them,  until  the  better  spirits  among 
them  looked  on  in  grief  and  protested,  but  in 
vain.  The  Rev.  Hugh  Jones  writing  in  1741, 
tells  us  of  this,  and  vainly  looked  al)out  for  a 
remedy.  But  remedy  there  was  none.  A 
Bishop  could  not  be  obtained,  nor  as  we  see  now, 
would  it  have  been  for  various  reasons  advisable. 
The  commissary  had  surrendered  his  commission 
in  disgust  at  his  inefficiency;  and  as  it  hai^pened, 
even  what  slight  influence  the  Bishop  of  London 
had  been  able  to  exercise,  Avas  now  cut  off  by  the 
disagreement  between  him  and  the  Proprietary. 
Bishoj^  Cxibson  who  had  occupied  that  See  for 
twenty-five  years,  dying  in  1748,  though  in 
England  his  control  was  always  felt  in  ecclesias- 
tical affairs,  yet  for  Maryland  could  do  nothing. 
The  Proprietary  became  more  and  more  jealous 
of  interference  by  any  one  in  his  colony,  and  the 
same  jealousy  was  felt  both  by  the  clergy  and 
the  laity  in  their  several  spheres.  For  the 
former  dreaded  lay  control,  and  the  laity  desired 
to  retain  all  the  liberty  that  they  might  jjossess. 


183  CHURCH  LIFE 

The  Establishment  with  all  its  great  advantages 
for  the  time,  had  also  its  heavy  drawbacks,  and 
its  vigor  of  action  for  good  was  always  depressed. 
The  chnrch  was  in  many  things  the  victim  of  the 
pecnliar  circnmstances  of  the  day,  both  in  its 
corporate  aims  and  purposes,  and  in  the  condition 
of  its  children;  and  we  are  judging  it  now  out  of  the 
hajipier  circumstances  of  our  time.  It  should 
have  risen  above  its  surroundings  and  vindicated 
in  the  midst  of  a  naughty  world  its  mission  from 
its  Lord.  But  alas!  where  is  there  one  of  us  now 
that  would  like  to  have  that  judgment  passed 
upon  himself?  for  we  are  all  victims  of  the  day 
in  which  we  exist. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  state  of  secular  matters 
in  Maryland  always  had  a  large  influence  upon 
the  church,  chiefly  because  all  the  great  questions 
that  agitated  the  colony  grew  out  of  the  relations 
between  the  proprietary  and  the  people,  and  that 
in  such  questions  the  sympathy  of  the  clergy  was 
far  more  apt  to  ])e  on  the  side  of  the  proprietary. 
They  were  generally  the  supporters  of  his  pre- 
rogative. And  this  they  were,  not  only  because 
they  were  foreign  born  and  educated,  and  because 
their  church  government  involved  the  principle 
of  prerogative,  (though  many  among  them  from 
the  Scotch  universities  were  deeply  tinctured 
with  Presbyterianism,  says  one  of  that  day);  yet, 
doubtless,  also,  for  the  more  evident  reason  that 
the  proprietary,  whose  income  was  not  aifected 
by  the  forty  pounds  per  poll,  was  more  certain  to 
be  their  friend,  than  the  people  who  paid  the 
tax.  In  some  measure  also  the  clergy  were  under 
the  patronage  of  the  Lord  Baron,  as  they  were  given 
their  cures  by  him  or  his  deputy,  and  many  were 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  183 

the  kind  speeches  he  made  them  from  time  to 
time. 

We  have  seen  the  troubles  to  which  the  clergy 
were  subjected  previous  to  the  year  1732  when 
peace  was  attained  between  his  Lordship  and 
the  colonists  ;  and  from  that  time  the  colony  was 
in  comparative  quiet  for  several  years.  The 
church  also  enjoyed  the  beneht  of  this,  and  the 
records  show  less  disturbance  than,  may  be,  at 
any  other  period  during  the  Establishment.  The 
truce  lasted,  however,  only  until  the  year  1739, 
when  jealousy  of  the  people  for  their  rights  as 
against  the  presumption  of  the  proprietary,  once 
more  broke  out.  The  questicm  this  time  was  not 
about  the  extension  of  English  statutes,  but 
about  the  x>i"oprietary' s  revenue,  a  matter  that 
aroused  as  much  interest  and  excitement  as  the 
other  had  done.  Nor  'vvas  it  a  question  only  of 
revenue,  but  of  his  lordship's  rights  to  revenue  ; 
the  people  showing  a  willingness  to  submit  to  an 
imposition,  but  insisting  that  it  should  be 
applied  in  a  different  manner.  And  this  agita- 
tion lasted  as  long  as  the  colony  lasted,  and  was 
in  fact  very  nearly  allied  to  that  which  finally 
brought  al)out  the  great  disruption,  the  question 
of  taxation  by  prerogative,  and  not  by  the  laws  of 
the  people.  The  governor  and  council  were  able 
to  thwart  the  will  of  the  lower  house,  which  had 
to  content  itself  with  occasional  measures  of 
reprisal  and  with  the  repeated  passage  of  strong 
resolutions. 

And  what  was  the  effect  of  this  upon  the 
church  ^'.  The  Establishment  was  not  in  any  way 
threatened,  as  it  had  been  in  the  earlier  agitation, 
probably  because  it  had  been  found  too  strongly 


184  CHURCH  LIFE 

established  in  tlie  hearts  of  the  peoj^le  to  justify 
at  present  a  second  attempt.  But  we  find  the 
old  charges  renewed  against  the  clergy,  and  we 
find  that  loss  of  influence  which  is  implied  in  the 
prevalence  of  infidelity  and  in  the  rise  of  new 
sects  so  strongly  complained  of.  We  also  find 
the  old  feeling  of  antagonism  renewed  in  the 
passage  again  of  the  act  of  1730  affecting  their 
salaries.  This  was  done  in  1747,  and  probably, 
nothing  can  show  more  strongly  the  condition  of 
the  clergy's  minds  with  respect  to  the  people, 
than  the  fact  that  they  were  quiescent  in  the  face 
of  this  legislation,  feeling  doubtless  that  any 
agitation  on  their  part  would  be  without  satis- 
factory result. 

It  was  a  time  of  radical  disintegation  ;  for  the 
proprietary  and  his  deputy  in  the  colony,  were 
the  only  ones  that  in  any  w^ay  exercised  any 
control  over  the  church.  There  was  no  commissary 
for  the  jDrevious  one  had  relinquished  his  office  ; 
the  diocesan  of  the  colonies  did  not  utter  a  word, 
for  it  would  have  been,  as  to  authority,  but  a 
sound;  the  proprietary  was  jealous  of  his  rights, 
and  maintained  with  consistency  his  control  over 
ecclesiastical  affairs,  which  the  law  and  his 
charter  gave  him.  Unfortunately,  however, 
his  character  was  not  high,  and  though  he  could 
speak  with  kindness  of  the  clergy,  he  could 
watch  that  in  no  way  they  should  add  to  the 
difllculties  that  disturbed  his  province.  In  all 
things  else  their  condition  was  satisfactory. 
Their  income  was  abundant,  and  they  were  pro- 
tected against  any  encroachment  upon  their 
rights  and  privileges.  In  fact  the  governor, 
through  most  of  this  period,   Mr.    Sam.  Ogle, 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  185 

seems  to  have  been  well  disi^osed  towards  the 
church  and  clergy,  doing  sometimes  the  unwonted 
thing  of  refusing  to  i)lace  in  the  care  of  parishes 
those  whom  he  had  reason  to  believe  were  un- 
worthy. The  form  of  his  letter  of  induction, 
also,  differing  so  materially  from  that  of  his 
predecessors,  would  indicate  a  certain  preposes- 
sion  in  favor  of  the  clergy,  and  a  desire  to  do 
them  all  the  honor  possible,  and  maintain  their 
rights  in  their  cures.  This  form  will  hereafter  be 
given.  The  clergy's  income  was  generally  ample, 
averaging  in  1741,  according  to  one  of  their  own 
number,  about  two  hundred  pounds  sterling.  As 
many  of  them  had  glebes  also,  they  could  live  in 
great  comfort,  for  without  land  to  supply  a  large 
part  of  the  necessaries  for  the  household,  living 
was  very  expensive  in  Maryland.  At  this  time, 
1741,  there  were  thirty-eight  parishes  or  more 
in  the  colony,  and  the  ministerial  supply  was 
generally  abundant.  Not  all,  however,  were 
rectors,  but  some  were  called  in  only  in  emergen- 
cies or  to  serve  during  a  temporary  vacancy.  In 
1748  the  population  of  the  colony  was  reported 
as  being  ninety-four  thousand  whites  and  thirty- 
six  thousand  blacks.  Some  few  of  these  last 
were  communicants.  As  in  1722  the  number  of 
communicants  was  estimated  at  three  thousand, 
the  strong  propability  is  that  the  church's  com- 
parative strength  in  1748  was  as  great  as  it  is  at 
this  time.  What  the  increase  was  from  1722  to 
1748  we  do  not  know,  but  there  is  no  reason  why 
it  should  not  have  been  equal  relatively  to  the 
increase  in  population.  Efforts  doubtless  still 
continued  for  the  amelioration  of  the  negro  slaves, 
but  as  the  slave  trade  constantly  poured  a  great 


186  CHURCH  LIFE 

number  into  the  colony,  their  improvement  was 
as  constantly  retarded,  Maryland  always,  how- 
ever, felt  her  obligations  to  this  class,  and  the 
influence  of  her  orderly  ways  is  still  manifest  in 
those  who  M^ere  formerly  the  servants  of  church 
peox)le.  From  the  jiresent  outlook,  however,  we 
can  only  fear,  that  for  generations  our  power  for 
more  direct  o-ood  is  gone. 


I 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  187 


CHAPTER  "XIII. 

THE   PARISH. 

The  affairs  of  the  parish  throw  some  light  uj)oii 
the  experience  of  the  church  in  the  colony  at 
this  time.  The  last  mention  of  Mr.  Tustian,  as 
attending  the  meetings  of  the  vestry,  was  on 
Aprit  loth  1732,  though  evidently  for  some 
reason  he  regarded  himself  as  rector  until  two 
years  afterwards,  and  insisted,  apparently,  on 
receiving  the  income  of  the  parish  until  his 
successor  was  inducted.  The  merits  of  his  diffi- 
culty we  do  not  know,  nor  the  ground  of  his 
plea.  We  find,  however,  that  he  showed  wonder- 
ful persistency,  being  convinced  of  the  rightful- 
ness of  his  cause;  and  that  in  carrying  the  case 
from  court  to  court,  and  finally  by  appeal  to  Eng- 
land, he  gave  the  vestry  a  great  deal  of  trouble. 
The  case  was  probably  a  notable  one  at  the  time. 
The  vestry's  counsel  were  Mr.  Philip  Key,  Mr. 
Daniel  Dulany,  and  Mr.  Gumming.  The  Rev. 
Mr.  Chase  was  security  for  Mr.  Tustian,  and 
in  1738  we  find  the  vestry  ordering  that  he  be 
called  on  to  meet  the  costs  of  the  case,  which, 
however,  he  refused  to  do.  Mr.  Tustian  retained 
possession  of  parish  proj)erty  as  long  as  i^ossible, 
for  in  June  1734  we  find  the  vestry  ordering  the 


188  CHURCH  LIFE 

churcli  wardens  to  go  to  Mr.  Henderson,  his 
attorney  in  fact,  and  demand  the  surrender  of 
the  church  library.  AYhether  he  prosecuted 
the  case  in  England  we  do  not  know.  The  vestry 
immediately  engaged  a  solicitor  in  London,  but 
from  some  slight  evidence  it  would  appear  that 
the  case  never  came  up. 

Mr.  Tustian's  successor  was  the  Rev.  John 
Lang,  a  gentleman  that  had  formerly  been  in 
Virginia,  though  he  had  now  been  in  Maryland 
for  some  years,  having  preached  the  Visitation 
Sermon  in  Christ  Churcli,  Kent  Island  in  1780,, 
being  at  that  time  rector  of  St.  Luke's  Parish, 
Queen  Anne's  County.  As  we  can  say  of  the  two 
preceding  rectors,  he  was  a  man  of  strong  char- 
acter, and  commanded  respect  for  his  intelligence; 
while  at  the  same  time,  as  the  records  evidence, 
he  was  a  man  of  amiability,  and  though  afflicted 
with  troubles,  yet  he  loved  peace  and  the  quiet- 
ness of  his  cure. 

His  letter  of  induction  bears  the  date  of  May 
24th  173  ' .  One  year  of  the  two  since  Mr.  Tustian 
disappeared  from  the  parish,  the  church  was 
ministered  to  by  the  Rev.  John  Urquhart,  possi- 
bly engaged  by  the  vestry,  as  they  issued  to  him 
a  certificate  of  service  rendered.  How  it  was 
provided  for  in  spiritual  matters  during  the  other 
year  we  do  not  know.  Mr.  Lang's  letter  from 
the  Governor  is  very  peculiar,  differing  in  some 
respects  radically  from  the  earlier  forms.  They 
had  been  addressed  to  the  gentlemen  of  the 
vestry,  w^ho,  however,  were  commanded  to  receive 
the  bearer.  This  is  directed  to  the  minister 
himself,  and  reads  thus: 

Sam.  Ogle  Esq.,  Governor  and  Commander-in- 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  189 

Chief  in  and  over  the  province  of  Maryland,  to 
the  Rev.  John  Lang,  sendetli  greeting: 

I  do  hereby  constitute  and  appoint  you  to  be 
rector  of  the  Church  of  St.  James  in  Ann  Arundel 
County,  to  have,  hold,  and  enjoy  the  said  church 
together  with  all  the  rights,  profits,  and  advan- 
tages whatsoever,  appertaining  to  a  minister  of 
the  said  parisli;  and  I  do  hereby  require  the 
church  wardens,  vestrymen,  and  all  other  the 
parishoners  of  the  said  j)^i"ish,  to  receive, 
acknowledge,  and  assist  you,  the  said  John  Lang, 
in  all  matters  relating  to  the  discharge  of  your 
function. 

Given  at  Annapolis  the  twenty-fourth  day  of 
May  in  the  twentieth  year  of  his  Lordship's 
dominion,  Anno  Domini,  1734. 

Sam.  Ogle, 

J.  Ross,  CI.  Con. 

What  created  this  change  in  the  form  of  the 
letter  we  cannot  be  certain  of.  It  would  appear 
that  there  was  no  set  form  up  to  this  time  but 
that  it  depended  on  the  will  or  wisdom  of  the 
Governor  for  the  time  being.  After  the  present 
occasion,  however,  we  find  this  form  used,  not 
only  by  Gov.  Ogle,  but  also  by  his  successor 
Gov.  Sharpe,  and  as  but  a  short  time  before 
Lord  Baltimore  had  been  in  the  province,  it  is 
likely  that  the  new  letter  was  appointed  by  him. 
Another  thing  to  be  noted  is  that  he  does  not 
mention  the  Bishop  of  London  who  was  formerly 
recognized  as  sending  clergy  into  the  colonies,  nor 
the  king,  the  date  of  whose  reign  was  formerly 
given.  It  is  made  plainly  evident  that  it  is  his, 
the  proprietary's  act,  by  his  deputy,  and  it  is  the 
assertion  of  his  own  independent  jDrerogative. 


190  CHURCH  LIFE 

This  was  liis  right  under  both  the  law  and  his 
charter.  Also  just  before  this  he  had  passed 
through  that  long  contention  with  the  colonists 
about  the  extension  of  the  English  statutes  to 
Maryland,  a  matter  involving  his  rights  and  prero- 
gatives over  the  people,  and  this  letter  was  only,  it 
is  probable,  incidental  to  and  a  symptom  of  his 
sensitiveness  about  his  exclusive  privileges.  For 
as  noted  above,  the  letter  is  addressed  to  the 
minister,  "I  do  hereby  constitute  and  appoint 
you."  and  "I  do  hereby  require  the  church 
wardens,  vestrymen,  and  all  other  parishioners  to 
receive,  acknowledge  and  assist  you."  Claims 
could  hardly  have  gone  further,  and  want  of 
consideration  for  the  vestry  could  hardly  have 
been  more  strongly  expressed.  Lord  Baltimore 
was  jealous  of  his  prerogative,  and  afterwards  he 
and  the  Bishop  of  London  came  to  an  open 
rupture,  and  the  Bishoi^  could  accomplish 
nothing.  Also  he  expressed  himself  strongly  as 
the  friend  of  the  clergy,  and  he  did  indeed  show 
a  willingness  to  help  them.  How  far  his  friend- 
ship was  part  of  a  scheme  to  maintain  his 
authority  we  do  not  know,  but  we  do  know  his 
private  life  proves  that  it  was  not  the  love  of 
religion  that  made  him  the  clergy's  friend. 
Gov.  Ogle  w^ho  signed  the  letter,  w^as  a  friend  to 
the  church,  and  sought  to  prevent  evil  men  from 
entering  uj^on  the  cure  of  souls.  Nothing, 
however,  indicates  more  clearly  how  widely 
removed  we  are  from  those  f  days,  how  the  feel- 
ings of  the  people  and  the  spirit  of  our  adminis- 
tration have  changed.  It  is  impossible  for  us  to 
conceive  of  a  vestry  receiving  at  the  hands  of  the 
secular  power  any  one  without  question,  whom  it 


f 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  191 

might  choose  to  give  a  letter  to,  with  order  and 
command  that  they  should  extend  to  the  bearer, 
not  only  his  vested  rights,  but  everything  that 
might  assist  the  functions  of  his  office.  But 
such  was  done  then,  and  not  only  so,  but  the 
vestrymen  were  very  earnest  and  faithful  gener- 
ally in  the  j)erforniance  of  their  duties,  submiting 
quietly  as  if  the  thing  were  exactly  as  it  should 
be.  They  grew  restive  under  this  system  after  a 
few  years,  and  sought  to  do  their  own  appointing 
but  for  a  long  while  they  were  faithful,  attentive 
and  laborious  in  performing  their  duties,  equal 
in  every  way  to  many  vestries  under  our  freer 
and  better  order. 

These  days  were  not  quiet  ones  in  the  parish, 
but  for  the  first  eight  years  of  Mr.  Lang' s  rector- 
ship there  was  a  good  deal  to  irritate.  We  have 
seen  Mr.  Tustian's  suit,  and  out  of  it  grew  an- 
other, which  being  with  the  rector  in  charge, 
must  have  created  a  good  deal  more  feeling ;  at 
one  time  the  excitement  being  so  strong  that  a 
vestryman  refused  to  attend  a  meeting  of  the 
vestry  in  the  parsonage,  the  rector  being  ill,  when 
business  of  gi-eat  moment  was  to  be  considered. 
The  occasion  of  Mr.  Lang's  difficulty,  was  that  at 
that  time  the  vestry  had  a  large  amount  of 
tobacco  to  its  credit,  which  it  was  lending  out, 
advertising  for  borrowers  at  the  then  legal  rate  of 
eight  per  cent. ;  and  that  Mr.  Lang  took  over  ten 
thousand  iDounds  of  this  in  the  year  173o.  The 
vestry  generally  required  a  heavy  bond  for  double 
the  amount  of  their  loans,  and  well  secured;  but 
in  Mr.  Lang's  case  that  was  not  given.  Thus  the 
matter  ran  on  for  some  years  until  1741,  when 
the  vestry  made  a  formal  demand  for  principal 


192  CHURCH  LIFE 

and  interest,  amonnting  in  all  to  about  fourteen 
thousand  pounds.  This  Mr.  Lang  refused  to 
pay,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  become,  at  the 
request  of  the  vestry  as  their  agent,  responsible 
in  the  suit  of  Mr.  Tustian  for  costs,  should  the 
appeal  go  against  the  vestry  in  London  ;  and  also 
for  any  charges  that  might  arise  from  the  em- 
ployment of  the  agent  in  London,  which  they  had 
authorized  him  to  do  ;  and  that  he  could  not  in 
justice  be  called  on  to  pay  the  amount  of  their 
claim  until  there  was  reasonable  certainty  that 
he  was  not  in  danger  from  this  cause.  The  vestry, 
however,  did  not  admit  the  plea,  and  threaten- 
ed suit,  which  apparently  was  instituted.  In 
the  mean  time  the  trouble  thickened.  Mr.  Dan, 
Dulany  was  Mr.  Lang's  counsel,  and  by  his 
instruction,  Mr.  Lang  refused  to  let  the  vestry 
have  the  key  to  the  vestry  house  where  the 
library  was,  which  they  were  required  by  law  to 
inspect ;  and  also  afterwards  he  refused  them 
access  to  the  vestry  books  they  being  in  his 
possession.  He  also  refused  to  attend  vestry 
meetings.  The  case  continued  till  October,  1742, 
when  we  have  the  following  interlocutory  judg- 
ment :  By  the  Governor  and  council,  7th  October, 
1742. 

Vestry  of  St.  James  parish: — Upon  considering 
the  petition  and  answer  and  what  has  been 
alleged  on  each  side  ;  this  board  judging  that 
some  other  expedient  than  a  decision  on  the 
point  in  question  might  be  more  likely  to  recon- 
cile the  incumbent  and  vestry  ;  they  for  that 
purpose  think  proper  to  recommend  to  the  vestry, 
as  it  is  really  a  matter  of  justice  and  compassion, 
to  make  Mr.  Lang  a  reasonable  satisfaction  for 


ly  COLONIAL  MAEYLAXD.  193 

what  lie  lias  expended,  or  is  liable  to  pay,  on 
account  of  any  such  buildings  and  improvements 
as  he  lias  made  on  the  glebe,  and  which  might 
be  necessary  and  convenient  for  the  incnm])ent 
to  have ;  Mr.  Lang  giving  sufficient  security  to 
indemnify  the  vestry  for  any  tobaccos  allowed 
him,  and  that  whatever  tobacco  (if  any)  Mr.  Lang 
has  actually  received  from  the  vestry  out  of  the 
tol)acco  in  dispute  to  be  deemed  a  part  of  what 
shall  be  allowed  to  him. 

Joiix  Ross,  Clerk. 

Mr.  Lang  accei)ted  this  judgment  for  his  j^art, 
and  on  Sunday  gave  notice  to  the  vestry  to  meet 
him  the  following  day.  This  the}'  did,  and  in 
due  time  a  settlement  was  hnally  reached  which 
seems  to  have  been  satisfactory  to  all  2:)arties. 
The  course  of  the  proceeding  seems  to  have  been, 
first  a  prosecution  of  Mr.  Lang  for  the  amount  of 
tobacco  loaned  him,  and  then  a  counter  suit  by 
him  for  improvements  made  upon  the  glebe. 
The  agreement  at  last  reached,  carried  both 
points,  and  ever  afterwards  Mr.  Lang's  resideiK^e 
was  spent  in  peace.  His  first  plea  about  his 
liabilities  in  their  behalf  in  London  seems  to 
have  l)een  withdrawn. 

The  large  amount  of  tobacco  the  vestry  were 
handling  at  this  time,  was  probably  the  accumu- 
lation of  the  years  of  the  interregnum  after  the 
withdrawal  of  Mr.  Tustian.  For  l)y  the  law  the 
tax  was  always  collected,  and  the  amount,  when 
there  was  no  demand  for  it  to  x^ay  the  incumbent, 
was  to  be  used  by  the  vestry  for  the  building  and 
repairing  of  churches  and  the  buying  and  stock- 
ing of  glelies.  In  1740  one  person  stood  indebted 
to   the   parish   for   forty-five   thousand   pounds. 


194  CHURCH  LIFE 

It  is  certain  that  already  before  tliis  time  the 
rectory  had  been  bnilt,  thongh  not  many  years 
before,  as  Mr.  Tnstian  had  reported  that  there 
was  no  house  on  the  glebe.  Mr.  Lang's  use  of 
the  money  that  came  into  his  hand  was  evidently 
for  a  legitimate  object,  though  he  had  not  the 
authority  to  so  apply  it.  The  currency,  while  it 
lasted,  w^as  a  great  burden  to  the  vestry,  being 
difficult  of  recovery  Avhen  loaned  out.  What 
finally  became  of  it  is  not  known.  What  sur- 
prises us  is,  that  even  with  this  large  amount  on 
hand  the  vestry  from  year  to  year  petitioned  for 
various  sums  foi-  defraying  the  current  exj^enses 
of  the  church,  and  their  petition  was  granted. 
The  vestry  were  the  more  reckless  about  suits  pro- 
bably because  they  personally  were  protected, 
and  even  their  private  expenses  paid  while 
attending  upon  the  cases.  The  governor  and 
council,  often  having  had  their  attention  drawn 
to  the  matter,  as  above  seen,  evidently  felt  that 
there  was  need  of  an  examination,  and  so  ordered 
the  vestry  of  St.  James'  to  return  to  them  the 
amount  of  assessments  and  other  sums  received 
within  the  last  ten  years  since  1732.  This  they 
had  a  right  to  do,  and  'evidently  at  times  there 
was  need  of  such  scrutiny.  The  vestry  imme- 
diately required  their  register  to  make  out  such 
an  account  and  forward  it. 

How  far  the  offertory  was  observed  in  those 
days  we  are  not  told,  though  there  can  be 
scarcely  a  doubt  that  the  offering  on  Communion 
Sunday  was  the  only  one  made.  That  there  was 
one  then  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  the  alms 
bason  was  presented  V)y  Mr.  Hall  for  "ye  perpet- 
uall    use.''     No    demands  were    made    on    the 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  195 

l)eople  except  by  the  sheriff.  Private  gifts  Avere, 
however,  made;  for  at  this  time,  as  was  done  in 
the  previous  period,  we  find  a  gift  of  a  handsome 
baptismal  bowl  provided  for  as  a  legacy.  Another 
source  of  revenue  was  the  fines  laid  on  absent 
vestrymen,  though  these  were  not  very  numerous. 
The  amount  in  each  case  was  one  hundred 
pounds  of  tobacco,  recoverable  in  the  County 
Court.  Altogether  the  tone  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  so  high  as  it  had  been,  either  because 
of  the  jaiTings  of  the  time  and  the  restiveness  of 
the  people  against  Lord  Baltimore's  high 
assumptions,  or  because  of  the  parish  difficulties 
and  irritation  against  their  pastors.  Mr.  Lang 
was  a  man  of  peace  and  sought  "to  i^revent 
future  janglings  and  disputes"  by  a  measure  of 
conciliation.  Also  he  was  not  a  self-seeking 
man,  as  he  was  desirious  of  renting  "Wrighton" 
on  terms  that  would  cut  him  off  from  all  revenue, 
proposing  that  it  should  be  rented  for  twenty-one 
years  for  the  consideration  that  certain  improve- 
ments should  be  made  upon  it.  This  Avas  not 
accepted  l^y  the  vestry,  who  required  an  imme- 
diate revenue. 

But  the  authorities  of  the  parish  had  not  only 
tobacco  to  manage,  and  to  turn  over  their  capital 
from  year  to  year  at  a  heavy  rate  of  interest ; 
though  in  1742  the  rate  was  reduced  one-half. 
They  were  a  vestry  for  other  things  as  well,  for 
we  find  them  at  their  old  functions  of  endeavor- 
ing to  restrain  the  immoral  and  to  preserve  the 
proprieties  of  life  in  the  parish.  The  sin  which 
was  at  one  time  common,  when  children,  the 
fruit  of  unlawful  miscegenation,  were  with  both 
parents,    the   negro   and    the    white,    sold    into 


196  CHURCH  LIFE 

slavery,  seems  now  to  have  been  abated,  the 
lowest  classes  apparently  ])eing  lifted  above  that 
degree  of  degradation.  There  was,  however, 
much  cohabiting,  and  the  vestry  had  occasion 
frequently  to  sit  as  a  court  for  the  trial  of  such 
persons.  Their  power  did  not  extend  beyond 
the  admonishing  of  the  culprits  to  separate.  On 
one  occasion  we  lind  them  demanding  of  a  man 
that  he  come  forward  and  show  his  marriage 
certificate,  and  once  we  find  the  husband  com- 
plaining of  the  bad  conduct  of  his  wife  and  her 
unlawful  relations  with  some  one  else.  In  this 
way  the  vestry  became  a  threat  to  evil  doers, 
and  doubtless  in  a  large  degree  very  often 
restrained  men  from  open  sin.  The  church  also 
was  regarded  as  the  law's  bulwark  against  a 
certain  class  of  misdemeanors;  for  according  to 
the  law  of  1723  not  only  was  the  minister  com- 
pelled to  read  the  ordinance  against  blasphemy, 
swearing,  sabbath  brea^iing,  drunkenness  and 
selling  liquor  on  Sunday,  but  the  swearing- 
became  a  misdemeanor  when  it  was  done  in  the 
presence  of  a  vestryman,  church  warden,  and 
other  persons  named.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the 
vestrymen  and  wardens  were  always  so  circum- 
spect as  not  to  render  themselves  liable  to 
whipping  post  or  stocks  by  swearing  in  their 
own  presence.  This  was  the  punishment  meted 
out,  the  offender  not  being  a  reputable  person. 
In  1747  the  vestry  had  both  those  instruments 
of  shame  and  pain  erected,  ^evidently,  near  or  at 
the  church,  for  the  order  for\hem  is  given,  with- 
out mention  of  places,  along  with  an  order  for  a 
church  door,  seats  in  the  j^orch  and  church  yard, 
and  horse  blocks.    They  were  evidently  regarded 


IN  COLONIAL  MiiliYLAND.  107 

as  a  convenient  and  helpful  provision  for  church 
discipline.  We  see  later  how  on  one  occasion 
they  were  used. 

The  vestrj^  of  course  had  the  power  of  protect- 
ing the  congregation  in  the  time  of  worship,  a 
power  we  find  them  exercising  January  4th  1737 
when  the  following  order  was  passed  : 

"Whereas,  sirndry  persons  in  the  time  of  Divine 
service  make  a  constant  practice  of  running  in 
and  out  of  the  church  to  the  fire  in  the  vestry 
house,  to  the  great  disturbance  of  the  rest  of  the 
congregation;  for  prevention  whereof  for  the 
future  this  vestry  have  ordered  the  sextoii  that 
before  he  tolls  the  bell  he  lock  the  vestry  house 
door,  and  desire  all  persons- to  go  out;  and  if  any 
person  refuse  the  sexton  is  ordered  immediately 
to  acquaint  the  church  wardens  therewith,  who 
are  ordered  to  do  their  duty  1)y  requiring  all  dis- 
orderly persons  either  to  better  behave  themselves 
or  depart  from  the  church."  This,  it  will  be 
observed,  was  passed  in  mid-winter,  and  the 
reason  why  persons  were  so  keenly  anxious  to  go 
to  the  vestry  house  Avas.  that  there  was  no  fire  in 
the  church,  while  a  great  glorious  hre  was  roar- 
ing itself  away  in  the  vestry  house  chimney. 
They  had  evidently  a  keen  regard  to  the  propri- 
eties of  the  house  of  God,  and  would  not  have 
the  hour  of  worship  disturbed.  They  were  evi- 
dently a  sturdy  race,  look  at  them  as  we  will, 
whether  as  to  religious  earnestness  or  to  physical 
endurance.  There  are  a  good  many  congrega- 
tions now  for  wlumi  it  would  be  well  if  those  old 
men  could  come  forward  and  prescribe. 

But  it  was  not  only  in  mid-Avinter  they  had 
trouble.     We  find  in  June  1747,  a  kindred  evil 


198  CHURCH  LIFE 

harassing  their  patient  souls,  and  again  we  see 
the  wardens,  as  officers  of  the  peace,  ordered  to 
do  their  duty.  This  order  was  passed  at  that 
time:  "That  the  church  wardens  do  prevent  the 
negroes  from  going  in  among  the  white  people  to 
disturb  them,  as  frequently  they  have  done,  and 
to  prevent  their  going  in  and  out  of  the  church 
in  time  of  Divine  service,  as  they  often  make  a 
practice  of  it,"  This  is  interesting  as  showing 
the  colored  people  less  under  restraint  than  we 
could  well  have  imagined  them  to  be.  They 
were  at  church  and  attended  Divine  service,  but 
as  they  are  to  this  day,  they  found  themselves 
unable  to  sit  still.  And  not  only  in  church,  but 
outside  also,  we  lind  them  moving  al)out  freely, 
going  in  and  out  among  the  white  x>eople,  their 
masters,  who  w^ere  standing  or  sitting  about  in 
the  church  yard.  Evidently  also  it  was  not  one 
or  two  who  did  this,  or  only  occasionally,  for 
that  would  hardly  have  called  for  the  vestry's 
action;  nor  were  they  moving  about  as  servants 
to  obey  some  order;  bat  it  w^as  of  their  own  free 
will,  in  numbers,  frequently.  This  is  an  unex- 
pected jDicture  of  old  Maryland  life,  a  degree  of 
simplicity  that  we  do  not  lind  noAv.  For  first 
the  negro  seldom  or  never  comes  to  the  white 
man's  church,  but  has,  because  there  only  he 
feels  free,  a  church  of  his  own.  Or  if  he  should 
come,  he  would  not  be  found  moving  about 
among  the  whites,  but  the  few  present  would  be 
off  in  a  place  to  themselves,  or  perched  upon  the 
church  fence;  and  they  would  file  into  the  church 
after  the  white  people  were  in.  The  relations  of 
servant  and  master  then  were  evidently  not  very 
rigid    and    stern;    and   while   subserviency  was 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  199 

demanded,  and  every  order  was  necessarily 
obeyed,  the  relation  was  rather  patriarclial. 
There  were  coiiiniunicants  of  the  cliurch  among 
the  i)eople  of  that  race  throughout  all  that  period 
and  ever  since.  In  fact  the  kindly  feelings  that 
are  still  mutually  entertained  between  the  negro 
and  the  white  man,  bespeak  the  generous  rela- 
tions in  Maryland  of  that  institution. 

But  while  the  vestry  possessed  such  functions, 
and  were  thus  a  power  in  the  land  in  many  ways 
for  good,  and  doubtless  at  that  time,  of  very 
great  value  for  the  moral  welfare  of  the  commu- 
nity, they  were  not  allowed  to  feel  themselves 
above  authority  in  anything,  but  were  required 
to  recognize  the  administrative  officers  of  the 
province.  Thus  we  have  seen  how  on  more  than 
one  occasion  they  were  called  on  to  return  an 
account  of  revenue  received  and  how  it  was  dis- 
bursed. On  another  occasion  we  find  them  com- 
pelled to  apply  for  authority  fr(mi  the  Assembly 
to  lease  a  given  piece  of  proj^erty,  called  AVrigh- 
ton.  This  was  a  legacy  to  the  parish  for  the 
benelit  of  the  minister,  and  it  seems  always  from 
its  great  remoteness  from  the  church,  to  have 
yielded  Init  a  small  revenue.  Afterwards  it  was 
very  much  neglected,  so  that  in  1744  it  seems  to 
have  been  destitute  of  many  necessary  things. 
The  Assembly  passed  an  act  empowering  the 
vestry  to  lease  for  twenty-one  years,  and  Mr. 
Lang,  the  incumbent,  showed  his  generosity  in 
projiosing  terms  that  would  ultimately  benefit 
the  parish  minister,  but  be  of  no  immediate  good 
to  him,  and  prol)ably  never  of  any  benefit. 

Why  an  application  for  an  act  of  Assembly 
shoulct  have  been  made,  is  not  evident;  for  the 


200  CIIUBCn  LIFE 

property  liad  come  to  the  vestry  without  other 
condition  than  that  it  was  for  the  use  of  the 
minister  of  tlie  parish,  and  apparently  they 
woukl  have  the  ability  to  rent  it  in  any  way  or 
any  terms  they  might  think  proper.  It  may  be 
that  the  vestry  of  St.  James'  found  itself  not 
entirely  trusted,  and  so  feared  to  act  on  its  own 
judgement.  This  one  thing,  however,  is  evident, 
the  interests  of  the  clergy  were  looked  to  not- 
withstanding the  wrangling  of  the  times.  Their 
standing  in  every  way  in  Maryland  was  one  of 
independence  and  honor;  their  position  was 
impregnable  and  their  interests  in  every  Avay 
duly  cared  for.  The  second  clause  of  Mr.  Ter- 
rett's  will,  dated  1693,  reads  as  follows:  "I  give 
and  bequeath  unto  my  son,  Nicholas  Terrett,  my 
great  Bible  and  two  negro  slaves,  to  be  between 
fifteen  and  thirty  years  of  age,  to  be  delivered 
when  he  l)ecomes  of  age."  The  old  gentlemen 
had  very  evidently  a  clear  apprehension  of  what 
constituted  the  wealth  of  both  worlds,  though 
some  would  now  say  that  he  did  not  discern  so 
clearly  the  due  proportion  of  things  when  he 
transferred  to  his  son  the  covenant  of  his  own 
freedom  and  the  bond  of  his  fellowman's  slavery. 
But  these  are  modern  notions,  and  the  world  then 
from  the  beginning  had  believed  the  old  gentle- 
man to  be  right. 

To  scan  the  church  at  this  time,  1748,  would  in 
no  way  afflict  one  Avith  pain;  though  it  is  true 
that  the  early  glow  of  affection  and  devotion  for 
it  would  seem  to  have  paled  somewhat;  for  the 
gifts  that  had  at  one  time  l)een  frequent,  seem 
now  to  have  ceased.  The  church  had  gotten  into 
a  groove,  and  working  as  an  institution,  and  the 


lA"  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  201 

spontaiieousness  of  early  relations  had  ceased. 
There  had  been  too  much  discussion  about 
salaries,  too  much  agitation  of  the  forty  ponnds 
poll,  a  question  that  was  at  this  time  affecting 
the  minds  of  the  people.  The  clergy  had  had  too 
much  to  do  in  the  battling  for  what  they  esteemed 
their  own.  The  chnrch,  also,  as  represented  by 
the  clergy,  had  been  too  much  recognized  as 
a  distinct  power  in  matters  political,  and  that  not 
in  harmony  with  the  great  will  and  growing  con- 
victions of  the  people.  Consequently  spontan- 
eousness  had  r-eased  as  an  expression  of  church 
life;  but  on  the  other  hand  regularity  and  order 
were  eminent.  The  church  was  duly  cared  for  in 
every  way.  The  officers  were  required  to  do 
their  duty.  The  building  was  kej)t  in  the  best 
l^ossible  condition  and  the  proprieties  duly 
observed  during  holy  worship.  The  ordinances 
were  regularly  administered  and  the  young- 
people  as  they  reached  the  years  of  discretion, 
were  admitted  to  the  Holy  Communion.  Suffi- 
cient authority  was  committed  to  the  vestries  to 
make  them  diligent,  and  the  many  diffierent 
offices  they  had  to  perform  in  their  two-fold 
capacity  of  church  and  civil  officers,  constrained 
their  attention.  Also  the  requirement  of  the  law 
that  they  should  meet  at  a  given  time  every  month 
with  or  without  notice  from  the  minister,  though 
it  is  true  the  law  does  not  seem  always  to  have 
been  faithfully  observed,  saved  the  parish  from 
that  indifference  and  neglect  that  is  the  sole  cause 
of  the  poverty  of  so  many  parishes  of  Maryland 
to  day.  For  in  many  places  the  vestrj^  meets  but 
once  a  year,  at  Easter,  and  frequently  to  perform 
only  certain  routine  duties.   But  such  was  not  the 


202  CHURCH  LIFE 

case  tlien,  but  eight  good  men,  vestry  and  wardens, 
were  compelled,  under  penalty,  to  meet,  and  talk, 
and  tliink  over  cliurcli  matters,  and  the  law  provi- 
ded sufficient  funds  for  every  purpose.  Therefore, 
though  the  earlier  youthfulness  was  gone,  order, 
regularity  and  propriety  were  in  all  ways  fostered. 
That,  with  a  sound  gospel  preached,  as  doubt- 
less it  was,  in  the  forty  or  fifty  pulpits  of  the 
colony;  and  with  the  worthy  lives  of  the  clergy, 
(as  the  great  body  were  worthy),  who  went  ill 
and  out  among  the  people,  gave  to  Maryland 
religion  a  character  which  no  voluntary  organi- 
zation could  have  done. 

Mr.  Lang  ended  his  ministry  the  twenty-sixth 
of  September,  1748,  having  been  rector  of  the 
parish  fourteen  years,  not  an  unusual  length  of 
time  in  those  days;  for  then  there  was  no  getting 
rid  of  a  minister  if  he  wanted  to  stay;  while  for 
him  the  facilities  for  change  did  not  exist,  the 
whole  matter  being  determined  by  one  man,  the 
Governor.  Besides,  St.  James  was  a  good  parish 
in  the  light  of  its  revenue,  as  doubtless  in  every 
other  light;  for  in  174S  there  were  one  thousand 
taxables,  which  at  forty  pounds  per  poll  would 
have  yielded  at  least  eight  hundred  dollars. 
This  with  the  two  glebes,  was  all  that  was  neces- 
sary for  comfort,  even  with  the  high  price  of 
everything  that  was  imported.  The  people  soon 
felt  the  loss  of  their  regular  church  ministrations, 
and  November  1st  petitioned  the  Governor  for  a 
successor  to  Mr.  Lang.  This  was  answered 
February  23rd  of  the  following  year  by  the 
presentation  of  Mr.  Charles  Lake  to  the  rector- 
ship. 

An    inspection  of    the   library    at    this    time 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  203 

showed  that  some  of  the  books  were  missing,, 
liaving  been  loaned  out  to  persons  in  the  parish. 
The  following  plate  and  other  articles  were 
delivered  up  by  Mrs.  Lang:  ''One  silver  Haggon, 
one  silver  cup,  one  silver  dish,  and  one  silver 
salver,  two  surplices,  one  Damask  table  cloth, 
and  one  Damask  napkin,"  and  it  was  "ordered 
that  William  Journey,  sexton,  carry  the  above 
plate  and  linnen  to  Mr.  Nath.  Dare,  Church- 
warden, to  take  care  of  the  same,  and  that  Mr. 
Lewis  Lewin,  one  of  the  vestrymen,  go  along 
with  him  to  see  it  delivered."  That  is  the  way 
things  were  done.  Also,  at  this  time  we  read: 
"Oct.  4tli  1748,  came  before  me.  the  subscriber, 
one  of  his  Lordship's  Justices  of  the  Provincial 
Court  of  Maryland,  the  severai  persons  under- 
noted,  being  all  vestrymen  and  church  wardens 
of  St.  James'  Parish,  and  took  the  oath  on  the 
Holy  Evangely  of  Almighty  God  according  to 
the  directions  of  the  act  of  Assembly  passed  in 
the  year  1748,  in  order  to  qualify  them  for  the 
choice  of  the  inspectors  in  the  sd  parish." 

John  Dari^all. 
We  may  not  like  the  flavor  of  the  times,  but  it 
is  only  because  we  have  been  fed  on  difherent 
diet. 


^^04  CHURCH  LIFE 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE   FOUETH   RECTORSHIP. 

The  period  to  which  we  have  come,  tlie  fourth 
rectorship  of  the  i:>arish  of  St.  James,  beginning 
with  the  year  1749,  and  reaching  to  1763,  was  in 
many  respects  one  of  great  activity,  not  so  much 
in  ecclesiastical  matters  indeed,  as  in  civil 
concerns,  both  in  the  colonies  and  in  Europe. 
How  closely,  however,  ecclesiastical  and  civil 
concerns  were  united  at  this  time,  how  much 
stronger  a  hold  the  church  had  upon  men's 
minds  and  hlled  their  thoughts,  then  than  now, 
is  evidenced  in  the  great  seven  years'  war  that 
began  in  1755.  For  during  that  struggle,  which 
had  no  more  to  do  with  religion  than  the  more 
recent  wars  between  Prussia  and  Austria,  or 
Prussia  and  France,  prayers  were  offered  up  here 
in  America  for  Frederick  as  the  great  champion 
of  Protestant  Christendom ;  while  the  Pope 
celebrated  Austrian  victories  as  upholding  the 
great  cause  of  his  church.  It  was  indeed  a 
great  contest  between  Protestant  and  Roman 
civilizations,  an  expression  of  the  inherent  anta- 
gonism which  the  two  systems  embodied,  a 
reproduction,  after  more  than  a  hundred  years, 
of  what  had  been  expressed  with  so  much  greater 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  20.=> 

vividness  in  the  tliirty  year's  war.  But  Freder 
ick  of  Prussia  was  not  one  to  expend  the 
resources  of  his  dominions  in  defence  of  Chris- 
tianity. He  was  not  a  second  Gustavus  Adolphus. 
Nor  was  England  at  all  at  that  time  enthusiastic 
for  the  faith.  Nt)r  on  the  parties  on  the  other 
side  can  a  higher  eulogium  be  passed.  It  was 
something  far  nearer  to  their  present  interests 
that  moved  them,  the  glory  and  dominion  of  this 
world.  Still  the  great  struggle  was  made  to 
wear  that  aspect  of  religion,  and  for  both  parties 
prayers  ascended  to  heaven  from  those  whose 
minds  were  deeply  impregnated  with  the  thought 
of  the  great  cause. 

Associated  with  this  war  in  Europe  was  the 
French  war  waged  by  the  colonies  in  America, 
a  war  that  was  momentous  in  its  influences  upon 
the  future  of  the  colonies  ;  for  it  was  by  the 
fruits  of  it  and  the  destruction  of  the  French 
poAver  in  America,  that  the  colonies,  being  rid  of 
this  threatening  neighbor,  were  enabled  to 
assume  such  a  pronounced  position  towards  the 
mother  country.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
this  position  was  assumed  very  soon  after  the 
close  of  the  French  war  in  the  discussicms  that 
preceded,  and  the  vigorous  measures  that  followed 
the  passage  of  the  stamp  act  The  whole  period, 
however,  was  full  of  jealousy,  the  colonists 
always  proceeding  as  far  as  they  dared  in  antag- 
"onizing  the  will  of  the  home  administration. 
Nor  was  the  jealousy  only  on  the  one  side,  for 
there  was  constant  fear  of  the  colonies  as  well, 
and  everything  was  avoided  that  could  in  any  way 
foster  the  spirit  of  independence.  In  this  temper 
w^e  find  the  mother  country  acting  when  Seeker^ 


206  C'HUECH  LIFE 

Archbisliop  of  Canterbury,  who  was  translated 
to  that  see  in  1758,  attenii^ted  to  send  ont  bishops 
to  the  colonies.  It  is  true  a  large  part  of  the 
opposition  is  attributable  to  the  very  low  estimate 
that  was  made  of  the  clerical  office  and  even  of 
episcopal  dignity.  For  the  episcopate  had  come 
to  be  regarded  as  merely  a  means  of  rewarding- 
some  minister  whose  services  had  pleased  or 
been  useful  to  the  state.  The  grand  thought  of 
its  true  functions  before  Christ  Jesus,  was  lost 
sight  of.  But  Archbishop  Seeker's  attempt  was 
reprobated  in  the  strongest  terms.  The  clergy 
for  America  must  be  sent  from  England,  Ameri- 
ca must  be  kept  in  this  way,  as  in  all  others, 
de2:)endent.  So  there  was  an  "•  enormous  outcry." 
One  bishop  declared  "that  the  authors  of  this 
attempt  ought  to  be  covered  with  contrition  and 
confusion" ;  and  an  archdeacon  described  it  "as 
a  mere  empty  chimerical  vision,  which  deserves 
not  the  least  regard."  The  matter,  therefore,  as 
so  many  times  before,  came  to  nought.  Unfor- 
tunately there  was  nearly  as  much  opposition  to 
the  scheme  in  all  parts  of  America  as  there  was 
in  England.  For  if  England  dreaded  to  have  the 
colonies  indejiendent  in  anything,  the  colonies 
equally  dreaded  to  have  an  institution  set  up 
such  as  they  knew  the  English  episcopate  then 
to  be,  and  such  as  tradition  had  rejjresented  it, 
without  practical  force  for  the  church"'  s  good,  and 
and  yet  endowed  with  extensive  prerogatives. 
America,  therefore,  continued  to  be  dependent, 
but  the  only  effect  was,  that,  not  having  a  native 
•clergy,  the  ministers  had  no  weight  with  the 
peojile  in  the  great  measures  and  ideas  that  were 
more  and  more  engrossing  the  popular  mind;  and 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  207 

when  the  time  came  for  acting  they  were  cast 
ed  off  as  having  no  living  connection  with  the 
body  politic.  In  the  meanwhile  they  were  on  all 
sides  snspected  and  snl)jected  often  to  harsh 
treatment. 

Along  with  the  French  war  there  are  various 
things  brought  to  the  surface  in  Maryland  that 
are  at  any  rate  interesting  and  that  throw  light 
upon  the  life  of  those  times.  It  was  begun  in 
America  before  it  began  in  Europe,  and  in  1754, 
Maryland,  by  a  supply  bill,  made  provision  for 
her  share  of  the  expenses.  Again,  in  1756,  she 
attempted  the  same,  but  as  it  hapx>ened  she  did 
nothing,  not  because  she  was  not  willing,  but 
because  of  that  inherent  jealousy  on  the  part  of 
the  xieople,  as  represented  in  the  lower  house  of 
the  Assembly,  against  the  pretensions  of  the 
Governor  and  the  upper  house.  As  tliere  was 
no  great  urgency,  and  as  neither  party  could  lose 
by  the  struggle,  there  was  the  greater  willingness 
to  keej)  up  the  contest. 

One  of  the  matters  was  the  question  of  taxing 
convicts  brought  into  the  colony.  For,  most  un- 
fortunately, for  many  years  there  were  very 
many  of  these  brought  in,  at  the  rate  of  four  to 
six  hundred  annually,  a  terrible  class  to  turn 
loose  upon  a  community,  as  jeopardizing  both 
life  and  property,  and  having  a  most  baneful 
influence  ui)on  the  morals  of  the  people.  Though 
as  the  galloAvs  were  in  such  constant  demand  in 
England,  it  was  hardly  as  bad  as  we  should  And 
it  now.  The  jn'oprietary  claimed  the  right  to  tax 
this  class  of  immigrants,  the  tax  being  laid  on 
those  that  brought  them  over;  while  the  lower 
house  claimed  the  right  to  tax  as  their  preroga- 


208  CHURCH  LIFE 

tive,  asserting  that  sncli  came  under  tlie  head  of 
servants,  and  that  tliey  had  always,  from  the 
days  when  Mar3dand  was  a  royal  province,  exer- 
cised this  right.  We  have  seen  this  when  they 
taxed  Irish  servants  coming  in,  "to  prevent  the 
growth  of  Papacy."  The  revenue  to  be  by  this 
means  received,  was  to  provide  a  sinking  fund  to 
meet  the  supply  bill.  With  such  a  class  x^i'ecipi- 
tated  upon  the  colony  in  si^ite  of  frequent  and 
bitter  j^rotest,  we  cannot  be  surprised  at  the 
severe  law^s  that  were  sometimes  x^assed.  It  was 
estimated  that  from  1715  to  1763  there  were  from 
fifteen  to  twenty  thousand  such  persons  brought 
into  the  province.  It  is  to  be  said  that  some  of 
these  were  sent  over  for  very  slight  offences  ;  and 
that  among  them  Maryland  received  some  of  her 
most  skillful  artisans,  elegant  mansions  in  and 
around  Annapolis  having  l^een  l)uilt  or  adorned 
by  their  hands. 

Another  matter  connected  with  the  supply  bill 
and  the  tax  levied  to  provide  for  it,  though  this 
bill  was  never  passed,  was  the  amount  to  l)e  laid 
upon  non- Jurors  or  Papists.  This  item  shows 
the  animus  of  the  times,  and  that  very  much  of 
the  old  feeling  against  the  members  of  this 
church  still  continued.  As  we  have  seen,  the 
the  war  that  was  raging  in  Europe,  the  fringes  of 
of  whose  strife  touched  America,  and  were  the 
cause  of  the  supply  bill  being  called  for,  wore  in 
the  minds  of  many,  a  semi-religious  aspect,  both 
Pope  and  Protestant  praying  for  the  respective 
sides.  This  may  have  been  in  some  measure  the 
cause  of  the  proposed  legislation  against  the 
members  of  the  Roman  Communion,  though  it  is 
also  said  that  ill  will  for  certain  favorites  of  the 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  200 

proprietary  intluenced  the  minds  of  tlie  members 
of  the  k)wer  house.  It  is  hardly  possil)le.  how- 
ever, that  so  hirge  a  section  of  the  people  should 
have  been  treated  so  unjustly  merely  to  gratify  a 
little  private  animosity.  The  Roman  church 
was  still  an  object  of  dread  and  of  dislike,  and 
because  certain  members  enjoyed  positions  of 
honor  or  emolument  the  general  feeling  of  antag- 
onism was  very  strongly  expressed. 

The  proj)Osed  law  discriminated  against  the 
Roman  Catholic  so  far  as  to  lay  a  double  tax 
upon  him,  and  as  the  tax  was  a  very  general  one, 
covering  all  sjwcies  of  property,  real,  personal 
and  mixed,  all  del)ts,  and  all  imported  merchan- 
dise, together  with  incomes,  and  as  the  Roman 
Catholics  were  about  one-twelfth  of  the  people 
and  many  of  them  were  exceedingly  wealthy, 
the  intended  burden  would  be  very  great.  A 
vast  amount  of  the  old  leaven  was  still  amongst 
the  people,  and  the  principles  of  toleration  Avere 
still  unknown.  Nor  was  this  merely  a  passing- 
tit  of  spleen;  for  the  bill  was  passed  l)y  the  Lower 
House  at  nine  different  sessions,  showing  a  set 
purpose.  But  it  never  became  a  law,  the  UpiDsr 
House  rejecting  the  bill  every  time.  They  were 
called  non-jurors  because  they  would  not  take 
the  oaths  necessary  for  enjoying  the  rights  of 
citizenship.  They  enjoyed  privately  the  right  of 
worship  and  protection;  but  as  yet  they  were  not 
emancix)ated,  and  were  looked  upon  as  not  being 
safe  as  citizens.  The  oaths  at  this  time  exacted 
were  exceedingly  severe,  as  we  shall  hereafter  see. 

Another  item,  provided  for  in  the  first  supply 
bill,  is  worthy  of  a  passing  notice,  especially  as 
it  was  associated  with   the   duties   of  vestries. 


210  CHURCH  LIFE 

We  liave  seen  the  intention  of  the  law  makers, 
that  it  was  to  tax  everybody  and  everything, 
and  it  would  seem  that  they  did  reach  everything 
that  could  readily  be  named.  One  item,  however, 
surprises  us  even  in  their  list,  and  that  is  bache- 
lors, for  we  can  not  see  why  a  man  should  be  taxed 
for  everything  he  has  and  then  in  addition  by  a 
special  provision  for  that  which  he  has  not,  the 
best  of  all  possessions,  a  wife.  Nor  was  it 
exactly  a  poll  tax,  for  it  was  rated  according  to 
income  and  age,  those  under  twentj^-five  years 
being  exempt,  and  also  those  whose  inccnne  did 
not  amount  to  one  hundred  pounds  per  annum. 
Above  that  age  a  bachelor  whose  income  was  one 
hundred  pounds,  had  to  pay  five  shillings  and 
one  Avith  an  income  of  three  hundred  pounds  had 
to  pay  one  pound.  Whether  also  it  was  regarded 
as  a  rejjressive  measure  we  do  not  know,  a  nui- 
sance to  be  abated.  But  that  seems  hardly 
likely,  as  it  was  immediately  associated  in  the 
category  with  wines,  liquors,  and  billiard  tables; 
by  what  law  of  association  we  cannot  say,  though 
possibly  the  law  makers  could.  Of  course  the 
bachelors  paid  the  tax  without  protest,  which  is 
not  what  the  Roman  Catholics  did,  for  they  pro- 
tested very  loudly  against  the  proj^osed  unequal 
tax  upon  them.  If  the  intention  of  the  law  was 
to  make  men  marry  it  was  not  always  successful 
by  any  means,  as  the  lists  returned  by  the  ves- 
tries, who  were  the  returning  board  for  this  pur- 
pose, show  that  some  bachelors  went  through  the 
whole  eight  years  the  tax  was  collected.  The 
tyrannical  law  of  the  legislators  could  not 
deprive  them  of  their  liberty. 
The  law,  however,  was  not  so  incongruous  to 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  211 

them  as  it  to  us,  for  we  find  a  law  advocated  in 
England  in  the  time  of  William  III.  for  the  relief 
of  his  Majesty,  by  which  a  tax  was  i)roposed  on 
"marriages,  births  and  burials,  and  upon  bache- 
lors and  widowers  for  the  term  of  five  years,"  so 
that  by  it  whether  you  lived  or  died,  married  or 
remained  single,  preserved  your  blessing  of  a 
wife  or  were  utterly  bereaved,  the  law  would 
reach  you.  The  Maryland  proposition  was 
merciful  beside  that.  It  only  taxed  bachelors 
along  with  wines,  liquors  and  billiard  tables. 

Among  the  other  immigrants  received  at  this 
time  into  Maryland,  differing  from  those  they 
found  there,  in  race,  language  and  religion,  were 
the  Canadian  French  from  Acadia.  They  came 
involuntarily  of  course,  the  English  having,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  French  war  in  1755  pursued 
towards  them  a  most  cruel  policy.  For  refusing 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  king  upon  the 
British  occupation  of  their  territory  they  were 
comx)elled  to  abandon  their  pleasant  homesteads, 
which  were  given  up  to  the  flames;  and  taking 
what  little  was  permitted  them  on  shijiboard,  to 
be  scattered  everywhere.  Some  of  them  even 
reached  Louisiana,  while  the  most  of  them  found 
refuge  in  the  English  colonies.  Maryland 
received  some  who  settled  within  the  present 
limits  of  Baltimore.  Longfellow  in  Evangeline 
has  given  immortality  to  this  dark  and  cruel 
ej^isode  of  war. 

Looking  more  narrowly  at  the  church  affairs  of 
Maryland  at  this  time  we  do  not  find  things 
wearing  an  attractive  appearance,  but  rather  it 
was  a  period  of  vexation  and  difficulty.  And 
first  of  aU  we  find  a  man  possessing  the  privileges 


212  CHURCH  LIFE 

of  the  proprietorship  of  the  province,  Frederick, 
the  seventh  Lord  Baltimore,  who  in  nothing 
attracts  favor,  being  ignorant,  conceited,  and 
with  an  overweening  sense  of  his  own  j^rerogatives. 
Besides,  when  he  succeeded  his  father  in  1751, 
he  was  yonng,  being  only  twenty  years  of  age. 
He  esteemed  himself  learned,  and  thought  God 
had  given  him  too  much  genius,  expressing  a 
wish  that  his  Creator  had  bestowed  less  mind 
and  more  bodily  vigor.  In  addition  to  these  un- 
fortunate qualities  he  was  very  immoral,  having 
companionship  with  some  of  the  vilest  of  the 
land.  He  was  arraigned  as  a  criminal  in  a  very 
extreme  case  of  wickedness  and  was  commonly 
believed  to  be  guilty.  It  was  the  misfortune  of 
the  church  that  such  a  man  fell  upon  times  when 
the  colony  was  agitated  by  great  questions,  and 
when  the  matter  of  right  and  prerogative  was 
uppermost.  Because  of  his  character,  therefore, 
and  the  authority  he  wielded  over  the  church, 
the  better  relations  thatexisted  between  the 
Bishop  of  London  and  himself  produced  very 
little  i)rofit  to  the  church. 

Nor  were  all  things  favorable  in  the  church 
itself.  First  of  all  there  was  a  very  numerous 
body  of  dissenters,  Quakers,  Presbyterians, 
Roman  Catholics,  Baptists,  Dunkers,  Lutherans, 
and  doubtless  others,  who  by  this  time  had  be- 
come powerful ;  and  who,  with  the  exception  of 
the  Roman  Catholics,  as  voters  were  able  to  wield 
a  large  influence.  These  all  of  course  opjDosed 
the  establishment,  looking  upon  the  compulsion 
on  them  to  support  it  as  being  an  outrage.  The 
largest  two  of  these  bodies  had  ever  kept  up  an 
unvarying  protest.     Associated  with  these  in  the 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  213 

same  cause  were  all  those  who  were  skeptical  in 
their  views  or  reckless  in  their  lives  ;  which  was 
also  a  large  class.  So  that  the  establishment  had 
manj^  enemies  ;  and  that  it  stood  the  pressure  as 
it  did  slioAvs  how  numerous  its  friends  were. 

Unfortunately  also  the  circumstances  of  the 
church  were  rather  helpful  to  the  malcontents  ; 
for  there  were  some  men,  though,  doubtless, 
relatively,  but  few  in  number,  who  were  dis- 
honoring their  calling  as  ministers  and  exposing 
the  cause  to  gross  misrepresentation.  Uovernor 
Sharpe  tells  us  of  one  who  "with  great  difficultj^ 
escai)ed  the  fate  of  a  murderer,  who  received  his 
thirty  pounds  poll  while  in  prison."  The  rule, 
ex  uno  disce  omnes^  however,  does  not  aj)ply,  for 
beyond  all  others  the  clergy  were  most  earnest 
to  have  these  things  corrected.  Besides, 
instances  of  shame  in  all  bodies  now  are  too 
numreous  to  enable  us  to  comjiare  rati(js  with 
certainty  with  the  men  of  that  day. 

But  something  that  is  tangible  is  given  us  in 
the  statement  of  Go.vernor  Sharpe  that  the  colony 
and  the  church  then  were  beset  with  clergymen 
from  the  Scotch  universities,  and  that  the  cry 
went  u})  that  nearly  one-half  the  people  were 
''preached  to  in  an  unknown  tongue."  It  will 
be  remembered  that  this  was  not  the  first  time 
that  such  complaint  was  made.  Mr.  Wilkinson, 
the  commissary  for  the  Eastern  shore,  as  early  as 
1718  had  written  that  they  did  not  want  any 
more  of  the  Scotch  clergy,  because  they  were 
'*  young,  raw,  undisciplined,  tainted  with  Presby- 
terian principles,  and  not  real  friends  to  Episcopal 
government."  And  though  doul)tless  some  of 
the  charges  against  them  were  exaggerated,  yet 


214  CHURCH  LIFE 

the  good  broad  Scotch  accent  in  which  they 
rejoiced,  together  with  the  abundant  antipathy 
of  race  and  kingdom  which  was  prevalent  a 
hundred  years  ago,  made  them  unlit  for  the 
English  parishes  in  America;  for  such  the 
colonial  parishes  were.  There  could  not  be 
much  attractiveness  in  the  church,  nor  much 
enthusiasm  for  it,  in  the  nearly  one-half  of  the 
parishes  where  these  gentlemen  were  found. 

But  there  was  a  deeper  cause  than  this  at 
work.  The  system  itself  was  wearing  out,  the 
Establishment  was  becoming  out  of  harmony 
with  the  times.  American  sentiment  was  grow- 
ing very  rapidly,  and  that  sentiment  meant 
absolute  equality  both  as  to  person  and  property, 
before  the  law;  and  of  this  equality  the  Establish- 
ment was  a  curtailment.  Other  disturbances 
were  rather  symptons  of  this  deeper  disease- 
objections  were  strongly  expressed  because  there 
was  a  more  or  less  conscious  antagonism  to  the 
institution  itself. 

This  growing  instability  of  the  Establishment 
was  i^erceived  by  some  of  the  clergy,  who  during 
the  frequent  discusions  upon  the  matter  of  the 
clerical  salaries,  were  more  apprehensive  for  the 
existence  of  the  law  of  1702  than  they  were  about 
their  incomes.  For  the  readiness  and  the  facility 
with  which  the  Assembly  tampered  with  one 
section  of  the  law,  made  them  fear  that  the  law 
itself  might  become  a  common  thing  in  handling, 
and  at  last  without  consideration  be  cast  aside. 
And  doubtless  there  was  good  reason  for  just 
that  fear.  Also,  as  the  records  show,  there  was 
more  than  one  occasion  when  the  validity  of  the 
law  was  questioned,  and  that  by  eminent  legal 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  215 

authorities  and  professing  clinrclimen.  The 
thonglit  was  to  get  rid  of  what  was  felt  to  be  a 
burden,  by  that  means.  That  they  did  not 
attem]3t  a  straightforward  repeal  of  the  law, 
whatever  the  Proprietary  might  have  said  in  the 
case,  is  proof  that  the  church  was  very  close  to 
the  hearts  of  the  largest  part  of  the  ])eople. 
That  tlie  Proprietary  would  have  resisted  such  a 
repeal  is  probable,  though  by  no  means  certain. 
He  j)rofessed  friendship  for  the  churcli  and  the 
clergy,  but  ^vhat  he  cared  for  chieliy  was  that 
which  promoted  his  own  emoluments  and  pleas- 
ures. 

The  question  of  the  poll  tax  was  frequently 
discussed  at  this  time.  In  1747  the  earlier  law 
had  1)een  reenacted,  making  one-fourth  of  the 
amount  payable  in  other  produce  than  tobacco,  at 
a  llxed  rate.  This,  like  many  of  the  colonial 
law^s,  was  to  continue  in  force  only  for  a  given 
time;  the  people,  not  having  the  right  (jf  repeal, 
thus  retaining  power  over  the  laws  in  their  own 
hands.  Again,  in  1753,  the  law  was  enacted  to 
continue  in  force  hve  years.  And  also  again  in 
1758  and  1768.  On  this  last  occasion  the  law  was 
further  modilled  by  making  the  poll  to  be  thirty 
instead  of  forty  pounds.  Though  this  reduction 
imposed  no  real  burden  on  the  clergy:  for  owing 
to  the  great  increase  in  population  the  salaries 
had  generally  so  advanced  as  that  the  incomes 
in  some  instances  were  handsome,  and  in  almost 
all  parishes  good.  By  this  frequent  presentation 
of  the  matter  the  question  of  salaries  was  kept 
alive  in  the  people's  minds,  and  so  when  any 
delinquency  occurred  among  the  clergy  the 
matter  was  known  far  and  wide.     Such  a  case 


216  CHURCH  LIFE 

did  occur  a  little  later  than  our  present  period 
that  sllo^ys  the  sensitiveness  of  the  i^ublic 
feeling,  and  that  the  abuses  of  the  system  of  the 
Establishment  were  working  out  their  natural 
and  fatal  result.  The  Rev.  i)r.  Chandler,  of  NeAv 
Jersey,  distinguished  subsequently  to  this  by  his 
activity  as  a  champion  of  the  church  and  church 
j)rinciples,  was  on  a  visit  to  Maryland,  and  he 
speaks  alwut  a  condition  of  things  that  Avas  very 
far  from  pleasing.  The  trouble  was  in  Coventry 
Parish,  which  it  was  the  desire  of  the  people 
that  the  Doctor  should  receive,  it  being  then 
vacant,  and  applicaticm  was  made  to  the  Gov- 
ern (jr.  Instead,  however,  of  listening  to  them 
and  presenting  the  man  of  their  choice,  who  was 
also  so  eminently  worthy,  and  thus  pacifying  a 
people  who  had  formerly  shown  a  restive  spirit; 
possibly  for  that  very  reason  he  chose  to  ignore 
their  desires;  and  that  his  lordship's  prerogatives 
might  be  fully  vindicated,  forced  upon  the  parish 
a  man  whom  the  ]>eople  knew  owlj  too  well  as 
one  wholly  unfit  for  holy  functions. 

But  the  parishoners  rose  to  the  occasion  and 
refused  to  receive  the  letter  of  induction  offered, 
falling  back  upon  what  tliej^  esteemed  their  right 
of  presentation.  For  they  argued,  that  as  the 
law  was  of  their  passing,  and  the  church  was 
sustained  by  their  contributions,  however  pro- 
vided, the  parish  was  of  necessity  in  their  gift. 
Warm  and  acrimonious  was  the  discussion  that 
ensued,  with  even  violence  threatened,  and  that 
against  the  i)arson.  The  result  was,  however, 
that  the  people  had  to  recede  from  their  extreme 
l^osition,  and  accept  the  order  of  things  as  it  had 
been    from     the     beginning.      Mr.     Henderson, 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  217 

formerly  commissary,  had  held  the  view  that  the 
Bishop  of  London  had  the  power  to  induct.  Mr. 
Daniel  Dulanej^,  who  was  the  great  legal  authority 
in  the  colony  at  this  time,  as  members  of  the  same 
family  were  through  several  generations,  showed 
tliat  their  claim  had  no  ground  in  law,  and  that 
over  and  beyond  the  privileges  that  belonged  to 
tlie  Proprietary  by  his  charter,  the  law  of  1702 
in  plain  terms  put  the  right  of  presentation  and 
induction  in  the  governor's  hands.  Out  of  this 
difficulty  theie  came  other  changes  in  the  form 
of  the  letter  of  induction,  as  we  shall  see.  It  is 
said  that  this  case  was  carried  to  England  on 
ai)peal  and  decided  in  favor  of  the  parish. 
What  effect  such  a  decision  might  have  had  does 
not  appear,  but  things  went  on  in  this  matter  as 
they  had  been  all  along.  This  incident  only 
shows  that  the  troubles  of  the  Establishment 
were  now  thickening,  the  people  restive,  the 
proprietary  more  exacting,  and  the  colonial 
authorities  just  and  honorable,  but  wanting  in 
sympathy.  The  next  ten  years  were  to  witness 
the  further  progress  of  these  symptoms  and 
eventuate  in  the  death  of  the  institution.    . 

One  of  the  instances  that  prove  the  unfortunate 
position  of  the  church  under  the  ungodl}"  and 
2:)resumptuous  Proprietary,  was  his  action  in  the 
year  1704.  The  clergy  had  not  for  years  met 
together  for  conference,  whether  for  mutual 
edification  and  protection,  or  for  the  promotion 
of  the  general  welfare  of  the  church.  The  gov- 
ernor did  not  summon  them,  as  had  been 
done  earlier  in  the  century,  nor  was  there  any 
commissary  to  gather  them.  Any  meeting  could 
only  be  accomplished  by  a  common  agreement, 


218  CHURCH  LIFE 

and  they  reached  this  in  the  year  1753.  What 
was  the  occasion  of  their  assembling  then  we  do  not 
know;  possibly  the  further  consideration  at  that 
time  by  the  Assembly  of  the  matter  of  reducing 
their  salaries,  though  there  were  many  things  of 
common  interest  and  general  moment  that  they 
might  lind  to  discuss  amongst  themselves,  and 
both  they  and  the  people  would  be  the  better  for 
it.  But  how  was  their  action  regarded  by  his 
lordship;!  He  professed  a  warm  interest  in  ])oth 
the  church  establishment  and  the  clergy  at  this 
time.  He  immediately  expressed  to  his  governor 
his  will  and  pleasure  that  they  should  not 
assemble  again,  and  the  governor  of  course 
issued  notice  of  his  lordship's  desire.  Truly  we 
are  living  in  different  times  from  those  when  the 
church  of  God,  as  represented  in  her  ministers, 
was  subjected  to  such  tyranny,  the  whim,  the 
caprice  of  a  young  egotist  who  had  only  just 
reached  his  majority.  And  this  was  more  than 
twenty  years  l)efore  the  end  came.  That  the 
clergy  should  have  felt  they  were  wearing  a 
galling  yoke  could  not  help  but  be.  The  Estab- 
lishment was  to  them  sustained  at  a  heavy  cost 
of  manhood;  while  the  portents  that  indicated 
the  future  deliverance  were  as  yet  exceedingly 
indistinct,  the  cloud  not  even  as  large  as  a  man's 
hand.  The  young  administrator  of  such  immense 
estate  and  weighty  duties,  may  have  had  kind 
feelings  for  the  church  and  clergy,  but  certainly 
he  was  exceedingly  obtuse  as  to  what  would 
under  the  circumstances  advance  the  church's, 
best  intrests. 

The    church,    I    have    said,     commanded    no 
enthusiasm  among  the  people  or  with  the  legis- 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  219 

lators  now.  RaMier  it  was  often  jostled  in  debate 
and  many  unkind  tliinus  said.  On  tlie  the  other 
hand,  justice  was  meted  out  to  it  by  tlie  Assem- 
bly, and  the  comeliness  of  its  circumstances  was 
cared  for  by  all  its  children.  For  we  are  now  in 
the  beginning  of  the  j^eriod  that  was  distinguished 
by  the  building  of  many  of  those  structures  that 
have  so  far  withstood  successfully  the  wear  and 
tear  of  time,  and  will  for  centuries  to  come  ; 
solid,  substantial  brick  edifices  generally,  that 
are  found  in  almost  all  parts  of  old  Maryland. 
Romance  or  ignorance  often  makes  them  to  have 
been  built  long  before  this,  some  of  them,  we  are 
told,  in  1692,  the  date  when  the  Act  of  Establish- 
ment was  iirst  passed.  But  the  records  would 
show  that  most  of  those  now  standing  were 
erected  after  the  year  1748.  And  this  would  be 
probable  for  another  reason,  that  previous  to  that 
time  the  parishes  were  too  feeble,  the  population 
too  sparse  to  have  gone  to  the  great  expense 
necessary  for  such  structures,  as  well  as  for  the 
reason  that  structures  of  the  size  now  found  were 
not  then  necessary. 

For  it  must  be  remembered  how  the  means 
were  provided.  The  people  would  first  reach  the 
conclusion  that  their  church  then  standing  was 
worn  out,  and  no  longer  able  to  stand  rei:)airs  ;  or 
that  the  large  increase  in  numbers  demanded  more 
ample  room ;  and  most  probably  both  causes  would 
be  found  operating.  Then  a  petition  would  be 
sent  in  to  the  legislature  asking  that  a  levy  be  im- 
posed upon  the  parish,  and  this  being  done,  the 
work  was  entrusted  to  the  builders.  The  cost  of 
such  buildings  would  be  from  three  to  six  thousand 
dollars,  and  sometimes  probably  more  ;  for  some 


220  CHURCH  LIFE 

of  the  edifices  are  very  large  and  handsome ; 
plain  enough  as  we  count  plainness,  but  striking 
memorials  of  the  olden  time.  And  this  method 
of  raising  the  means  shows  us  the  estimation  in 
which  the  church  was  held  through  this  troubled 
time.  For  first,  that  the  people  should  have  been 
content  to  assume  so  heavy  a  burden,  proves 
their  love  and  devotion  to  the  church,  and  that 
the  legislature  would  have  been  content  to 
authorize  such  a  heavy  tax  when  often  one-third 
of  the  residents  within  the  parish  were  non-con- 
formists, who  could  not  help  but  be  o^^posed  to 
having  their  money  taken  from  them  for  this 
13urpose,  proves  that  the  institution  as  an  estab- 
lishment, was  regarded  with  favor.  And  a 
blessed  thing  it  was  for  Maryland  after  the 
depression  of  the  revolution  came  on  that  these 
churches  had  been  built ;  for  for  iifty  years  after 
that  day  the  ideas  and  means  were  both  most 
sadly  cramped,  and  destitution  would  have  been 
the  result.  As  it  was,  God  in  his  mercy  so  pro- 
\'ided  that  the  church  survived,  her  children 
never  wanted  a  place  to  assemble  in  for  prayer 
and  praise,  and  when  a  brighter  day  did  dawn 
she  was  able  again  to  enter  upon  a  new  career  of 
prosperitJ^ 

The  relative  position  of  the  church  to  the  other 
religious  bodies  in  the  colony,  both  as  to  wealth 
and  numbers,  is  approximately  furnished  us 
in  an  incident  of  the  year  1760.  There  was 
but  little  intimate  intercourse  and  no  organic 
relation  between  the  colonies  at  this  time.  There 
was,  however,  a  strong  fraternal  feeling  of  sym- 
pathy, which  doubtless  the  instinct  of  coming 
things  strengthened ;  so  that  when  in  this  year 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  221 

there  was  the  great  fire  in  Boston,  Maryland  was 
ready  to  extend  any  aid  that  niiglit  lie  in  her 
power.  Fortunately  the  Governor  issued  a  call 
for  such  aid,  and  the  amount  received  astonishes 
us,  remembering  that  Maryland  had  no  city  of 
pretentions  save  Baltimore  and  Annapolis,  which 
were  insignificant.  The  amount  forwarded  to  the 
sufferers  was  over  eighteen  hundred  pounds,  be- 
ing contributions  in  the  churches,  and  of  this 
members  of  the  Establishment  gave  fifteen  hun- 
dred pounds.  These  figures  furnish  evidence  of 
why  it  was  that  the  Legislature  so  readily  granted 
the  petitions  for  the  heavy  tax  for  the  erection  of 
new  churches.  The  members  of  the  Establish- 
ment were  the  w^ealthiest  and  most  numerous  in 
the  province. 

We  have  seen  that  in  1754  it  pleased  his  lord- 
ship, the  proprietor,  to  lay  interdict  uj^on  the 
clergy,  forbidding  their  coming  together  for 
conference,  which  was  all  that  as  citizens  they 
were  capable  of  doing.  But  this  was  not  the 
worst  evil  he  now  inflicted,  for  about  the  same 
time  he  instructed  Governor  Sliarpe  that  jjresen- 
tation  to  parishes  should  only  be  by  his  api:)roval, 
thus  taking  from  the  governor  an  index)endence 
of  action  that  sometimes  would  protect  the 
church.  The  governor  was  so  far  stripped  of 
responsibility,  and  doubtless  degraded  in  his  own 
eyes ;  for  his  lordship  might  over  his  cups  give 
letters  to  boon  companions,  and  for  Maryland 
there  was  no  deliverance.  The  old  form  of 
induction  went  on  for  a  while,  but  the  lord 
baron  was  the  true  i^ower  in  the  land.  How  far 
he  exercised  this  control,  we  are  not  told,  but  for 
his  favorites  a  i)lace  must  as  soon  as  possible  be 
found. 


1 


223  CHURCH  LIFE 

In  fact,  Maryland  was  at  tliis  time  an  El  Dorado 
for  the  parsons,  and  sometimes  tliey  were  waiting, 
so  manj^  of  tliem  were  there  in  the  colony,  until 
vacancies  might  occur.  Some  of  them  were 
employed  as  assistants,  for  division  of  parishes 
was  greatly  o^iposed  by  the  incumbents,  and  by 
means  of  curates  the  desire  of  the  people  was 
sought  to  be  appeased.  Chapels  of  ease  also 
were  erected  in  oiitlying  districts,  out  of  which, 
from  time  to  time,  new  parishes  grew,  for  divisions 
did  take  place  occasionally.  There  is  no  reason 
for  sux^x^osing  that  the  church  was  a  heavy  bur- 
den upon  its  members.  Its  misfortune  was  that 
it  exacted  from  those  who  were  unwilling  to 
give.  But  for  its  members  it  was  not  a  burden  ; 
for  they  only  paid  according  to  the  males  of  their 
families  and  their  proh table  servants.  The 
churchmen  of  Maryland  to-day,  of  their  own  will 
and  desire,  contribute  far  more  for  religion  than 
their  fathers  of  those  days  did. 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  233 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE   PARISH. 

We  have  seen  the  urgency  of  the  vestry  to 
have  their  parish  immediately  provided  for. 
Gov.  Ogle,  in  response  to  their  petition,  granted 
the  Rev.  Charles  Lake  a  letter  of  induction,  Feb- 
ruary 23rd,  174S-49,  who  then  began  as  the 
fourth  rector  of  St.  James'  j^arish  a  ministry  that 
reached  to  the  year  1763,  maintaining  the  general 
average  of  duration  of  rectorship  that  had  held  up 
to  that  time.  Governor  Ogle,  as  far  as  lay  in  his 
power,  appointed  good  men  to  the  parishes ; 
though,  unfortunately,  the  condition  of  things 
was  often  such  that  his  best  intentions  were 
neutralized.  Mr,  Lake,  however,  as  far  as 
the  record  goes,  seems  to  have  fulfilled  his  best 
desires ;  for,  unlike  his  two  immediate  j^rede- 
cessors,  his  ministry  in  the  parish  was  without 
any  occasion  of  dispute  or  dissatisfaction  ;  a  fact 
the  more  notable  because  his  incumbency  exten- 
ded through  a  period  when  the  tide  of  agitation 
ran  high,  Avlien  there  were  many  squalls,  if  not 
violent  temi^ests  in  the  ecclesiastical  atmosphere. 
These  latter  came  on  later,  as  in  some  instances 
they  had  also  preceded  this  time.  Doubtless,  in 
many  x)arishes  throughout  the  province  this  was 


224  CHURCH  LIFE 

the  case,  the  tide  of  peaceful  life  running  on,  the 
clergy  confident  of  God's  loving,  fatherly  care, 
and  the  people  glad  in  every  way  to  sustain  their 
holy  endeavors,  unmindful  of  the  jarring  Avorld 
without. 

The  form  of  the  letter  of  induction  which  Mr. 
Lake  presented  was  the  same  as  that  of  his  pre- 
decessor ;  after  the  recording  of  which  he 
qualilied^s  chief  vestryman  by  taking  the  various 
oaths  required.  The  rebellion  of  1745  will  here 
be  remembered,  the  last  effort  of  the  Stuarts  to 
recover  the  throne  of  England ;  and  this  will 
explain  the  stringency  of  the  oaths  of  which  we 
find  a  copy  preserved  in  the  church  records.  The 
first  of  these  runs  thus :  I,  A.  B.  do  truly  and 
sincerely  acknowledge,  profess,  testify  and  de- 
clare, in  my  conscience  before  God  and  the  world 

that   our   sovereign   lord.  King ,  is  lawful 

and  rightful  King  of  the  realm  of  England  and 
all  other  his  majesty's  dominions  and  countries 
thereunto  belonging  ;  and  I  do  solemnly  and  sin- 
cerely declare  that  I  do  believe  in  my  conscience 
that  the  person  pretended  to  be  the  Prince  of 
Wales  during  the  life  of  the  late  James,  and  since 
his  decease  pretending  to  be  and  taking  upon 
himself  the  style  and  title  of  King  of  England, 
under  the  name  of  James  III,  hath  not  any  right 
or  title  whatsoever  to  the  crown  of  the  realm  of 
England,  or  of  any  other  of  the  dominicjns  there- 
unto belonging ;  and  I  do  renounce,  refuse  and 
abjure  any  obedience  to  him.  And  I  do  swear 
that  I  will  bear  faith  and  true  allegiance  to  his 
majesty  King  George,  and  him  will  defend  to  the 
utmost  of  my  power,  against  all  traitorous  con- 
spiracies and  attempts  whatsoever,  which  shall 


IN  COLONIAL  MAliYLANB.  235 

be  made  against  liis  person,  crown,  or  dignity  ; 
and  I  will  do  my  ])est  endeavor  to  disclose  and 
make  known  to  his  majesty  and  liis  successors, 
all  treason  and  traitorous  conspiiacies  wliich  I 
shall  know  to  be  against  him  or  any  of  them;  and 
I  do  faithfully  x^romise,  to  the  utmost  of  my 
power,  to  support,  maintain  and  defend  the  suc- 
cession of  the  crown  against  him,  the  said  James, 
and  all  other  persons  whatsoever,  as  the  same  is 
and  stands  limited  by  an  act,  entitled 
an  act  declaring  the  rights  and  liberties 
of  the  subject,  and  settling  the  succession  of  the 
crown  to  his  present  majesty  and  the  heirs  of  his 
body  being  Protestants ;  and  as  the  same  by 
another  act,  entitled  an  act  for  the  further  limi- 
tation of  the  crown  and  better  securing  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  the  subject,  is  and  stands  lindted. 
after  the  decease  of  her  late  majesty,  and  for  de- 
fault of  issue  of  her  late  majesty,  to  the  late 
princess  Sophia,  electoress  and  Duchess  Dowa- 
ger of  Hanover  and  the  heirs  of  her  body  being 
Protestants  :  and  all  these  things  I  do  plainly  and 
sincerely  acknowledge  and  swear,  according  to 
these  express  words  by  me  spoken,  and  according 
to  the  plain  and  ccmimon  sense  and  understanding 
of  the  same  words,  Avithout  any  equivocation  or 
mental  evasion  or  secret  reservation  whatsoever  ; 
and  I  do  make  this  recognition,  acknowledge- 
ment, abjuration,  renunciation  and  promise, 
heartily,  willingly  and  truly,  ux)on  the  true  faith 
of  a  Christian. 

So  help  me  God. 
The  next  oath  we  find  recorded  is  as  follows  : 
I  do  sw^ear  that  I  do  from  my  heart  abhor,  detest 
and    abjure,    as    impious    and    heretical,    that 


326  CHURCH  LIFE 

damnable  doctrine  and  position  that  princes 
excommunicated  or  deprived  hj  the  Pope,  or 
any  authority  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  may  be 
deposed  and  murthered  by  their  subjects  or  anj^ 
other  whatsoever.  And  I  do  ])elieve  that  no 
foreign  prince,  person,  prelate,  state  or  poten- 
tate, hath  or  ought  to  have  any  jurisdiction, 
power,  superiorty,  pre-eminence,  or  authority, 
ecclesiastical  or  spiritual,  Avithin  the  kingdom  of 
England  or  the  dominion  thereunto  belonging. 
So  heli>  me,  &c. 

A  third  oath  was  of  a  different  tenor  running 
thus :  I,  A.  B.  do  swear  that  I  will  faithfully, 
honestly  and  justly  nominate  and  recommend 
such  person  or  i^ersons  to  be  an  inspector  or 
inspectors  (of  tobacco)  as  I  think  in  my  judgment 
and  conscience  is  or  are  fit  and  capable  to  execute 
the  office  of  an  inspector  or  inspectors. 
So  help  me,  &c. 

A  fourth  oath  is  as  follows :  I  do  solemnly 
swear  and  declare  that  I  will  justly  and  truly 
execute  the  office  or  trust  of  a  vestryman  of  this 
parish,  according  to  my  best  skill  and  knowl- 
edge, without  prejudice,  favor,  or  affection. 
So  help  me,  &c. 

A  tifth  and  last  one  is  that  which  had  been 
imposed  from  the  beginning:  We  the  subscribers 
do  declare  that  we  do  believe  that  there  is  not 
any  transubstantiation  in  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper  or  in  the  elements  of  Bread  and 
Wine,  at  or  after  the  consecration  thereof  by  any 
person  or  persons  whatsoever. 

These  oaths  together  ])ear  in  themselves  a 
history  and  picture  of  the  times,  showing  how 
the  currents  of  feeling;  and  conviction  and  fear 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  327 

were  runnin,i>'.  For  the  lirst  and  second  were 
aimed  at  the  lofty  but  well  defined  pretentions 
of  the  combined  adversaries  of  English  ecclesias- 
tical and  civil  liberty,  pretensions  both  of  Pope 
and  Prince  that  had  more  than  once  formulated 
themselves  in  the  uTeat  ariiument  of  arms.  The 
oaths  were  not  framed  against  an  imaginary 
danger,  but  one  intensely  real.  These  oaths  also 
suggest  why  it  was  that  the  Roman  Catholics 
were  treated  as  they  were  during  this  j^eriod  ;  for, 
the  adherents  of  a  pope  making  extravagant 
claims,  and  the  supposed  friends  of  a  house  that 
for  the  religion  they  pi'ofessed,  were  driven  from 
England,  and  were  now  threatening  the  kingdom, 
they  were  looked  upon  as  suspicious  citizens  who 
needed  but  the  opportunity  to  excite  them  to  the 
disturbance  of  the  public  peace.  How  far  the 
fears  Avere  well  grounded  is  another  matter.  Proba- 
bly a  little  closer  knoAvledge  of  the  times  Avould 
reveal  that  the  house  of  Stuart  and  the  pope  had 
certain  indiscreet  adherents  in  the  province  who 
gave  a  stronger  tone  to  the  natural  suspicion  of 
the  people.  It  is  in  fact  stated  that  the  repressive 
feature  of  the  prox^osed  supply  bill  during  the 
French  war  had  its  origin  in  special  ill  feeling  to- 
wards certain  X)ersons. 

Also  the  oaths  suggest  to  us  rather  different 
view^s  of  the  duties  and  obligations  of  a  vestry- 
man from  what  are  at  present  held;  though  the 
oath  of  allegiance,  required  at  that  time  was 
continued  down  after  the  Revolution  when  the 
church  ceased  to  be  established,  though  it  was 
then  to  the  state  of  Maryland.  The  oaths  do 
not  bear  the  signatures  of  the  vestrymen  except 
tiiat  regarding  transubstantiation,    callefl    "the 


328  CHURCH  LIFE 

test"  to  wliich  alone  signatures  were  required;  a 
proper  title,  as  it  was  used  even  to  test  a  man's 
qualitication  for  the  Ijallot,  the  Roman  Catholics 
being  by  that  means  excluded.  Tliey  were  all, 
however,  taken  by  vestrymen  as  "prescribed  by 
law,"  and  they  continued  to  be  taken  down  to 
the  American  Revolution.  And  we  can  see 
readily  how  during  the  period  immediately 
preceding  that  event,  when  men's  minds  were 
anticipating  the  necessity  of  revolt,  such  an  oath 
as  the  first  given,  if  taken  by  all  the  vestrymen 
through  many  years,  should  have  acted  as  a 
restraint  against  that  precipitancy  that  charac- 
terized some  of  the  provinces.  For  Maryland 
was  loth  to  take  the  final  ste])  and  preserved  her 
loyalty  to  the  last  moment;  she  would  not 
sunder  the  ties  tliat  bound  her  to  the  mother 
country  until  nothing  else  was  possil)le.  The 
church  Avas  thus  to  Maryland  a  conservative 
influence.  Also  we  can  understand  Iioav  in  addi- 
tion to  the  force  of  education,  the  clergy,  having 
bound  themselves  by  such  solemn  oaths,  should 
have  found  it  difficult,  and  in  so  many  cases 
Impossible,  to  cast  in  their  fortunes  with  the 
newly  created  state,  and  have  preferied  to  return 
to  the  mother  country. 

The  most  important  thing  that  happened  in  the 
parish  during  this  period  was  the  building  of  the 
new  church.  For  this  was  the  era  of  church 
building  in  Maryland,  most  of  the  old  structures 
that  had  been  erected  about  the  beginning  of  the 
century,  having  liy  this  time  worn  out;  having 
also,  many  of  them,  been  so  modified  to  meet  the 
growing  population,  that  they  were  hardly 
c£^3able  of  any  further  enlargement.     Almost  all 


IN  CO  IONIA  L  MAliYIAND.  239 

tile  more  worthy  structures  of  ]\rar viand,  what- 
ever tradition  may  say,  were  at  this  time  erected. 
Most  of  the  tirst  buildiuo-s  had  been  of  frame, 
the  erection  of  them  even  havino-  been  a  burden 
to  the  scant  population.  Thcmgh  not  only 
wooden  buildino's  had  decayed  within  that 
period,  for  if  we  are  to  take  old  St.  Anne's  of 
Annapolis,  as  speakinii;  by  its  next  friend.  Rev. 
Mr.  Boucher,  as  witness,  even  brick  walls  had 
not  been  x)roof  against  the  attacks  of  time. 

"How  changed  the  times,  for  now  all  round 

Where  muiibered  stately  piles  abound, 

All  better  built,  and  looliing  down 

On  one  ({Uite  antiquated  groAvn: 

Left  unrepaired,  to  time  a  pre}', 

I  feel  my  vitals  fast  decay: 

And  olteu  I  have  heard  it  said 

Tliat  some  good  people  are  afraid 

Lest  I  should  tumble  on  their  head ; 

Of  Avhich,  indeed,  this  seems  a  proof, 

Tliey  seldom  come  beneath  my  roof" 

The  matter  of  a  new  churcli  was  lirst  agitated 
in  the  year  1760,  when  a  thorough  examination 
having  been  made,  the  old  church,  having  fultilled 
its  holy  purposes  for  sixty  years,  was  declared 
incapal)le  of  standing  much  longer.  Besides,  the 
taxables  of  the  parish  having  increased  from 
about  five  hundi-ed  to  about  twelve  hundred, 
there  could  hardly  have  l^een  room  for  all  that 
came  to  worship.  The  next  step  was  to  petition 
the  Assembly  for  a  levy  upon  all  the  inhabitants 
of  the  jmrish;  and  the  response  being  favorable, 
on  the  twenty-second  of  June  in  1762  an  adver- 
tisement was  inserted  in  the  Annax:)olis  ])aper  for 
bidders.  As  it  turned  out  the  plan  was  drawn 
by  one  of  the  vestrymen,  James  Trotter,  who 
received  for  the  same   fifteen   pounds  currency. 


230  CHURCH  LIFE 

eleven  i)Oiinds  live  sliillings  sterling,  and  the 
building  was  contracted  for  by  another  one,  Mr. 
John  AVeems.  The  notice  of  the  contract  reads 
thns:  ''Likewise  Mr.  John  Weems,  has  nnder- 
taking  the  bnilding  of  a  breek  church  in  the  sd 
Parrish  according  to  the  draft  of  the  i)lan  that 
was  this  day  layd  before  the  vestry,  and  is  to 
build  the  sd  church  att  fourteen  hundred  pounds 
cur.  (one  thousand  and  hfty  pounds  sterling,) 
without  any  further  charges  to  the  said  parrish 
in  any  shape  whatever,  in  case  that  the  vestry 
git  ann  act  of  Assembley  for  what  tob.  will  be 
wanting  of  the  sum  that  is  to  build  the  said 
church;  for  as  thay  hant  tob.  enufe  in  hand  for 
the  hnniching  of  the  sd  church.''  Evidently  the 
schoolmaster  was  not  abroad.  Rather  his  pres- 
ence was  sorely  needed  in  the  parish.  The 
church  was  three  years  in  building. 

The  amount  granted  h\  the  Ai^sembly  was  one 
hundred  and  thirty  thousand  pounds  of  tobacco, 
to  be  collected  in  two  levies,  and  tlie  work  began. 
Fortunately  the  ])uilder  was  honest,  and  the 
building  that  he  thus  associated  Avitli  his  name, 
a  name  notable  in  other  ways  beside,  will  for 
many  a  day  l)e  a  monument  to  his  memory. 
The  architecture  is  plain,  of  course,  the  interi(n^ 
without  galleries.  Some  parish  churches  of  the 
period  had  these,  possilily  for  the  servants, 
though  now  they  are  disused,  and  are  a  blemish. 
Whether  the  liricks  came  from  England  we  do 
not  know,  for  the  work  was  done  by  contract, 
and  no  bill  of  items  was  rendered.  Though  there 
was  no  need  of  going  to  England  for  them,  as 
there  was  clay  in  abundance  near  at  hand,  out  of 
which    bricks    had   been   made   a   half   century 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  281 

before.  The  interior  arranuements  were  accord- 
ing to  tile  order  of  the  time,  and  the  old  fash- 
ioned, high  back,  square  family  pews  are  still 
remembered  by  some  of  the  old  people.  The 
pnli)it  stood  in  the  middle  of  the  long  side  on 
the  North,  with  the  chancel  in  the  East  end. 
This  was  the  m(»re  common  way,  though  some  of 
the  churches,  as  All  Saints'.  Calvert  County,  had 
the  pulpit  at  the  West  end  and  the  chancel  at 
the  East.  The  ceiling  of  the  church  is  arched, 
the  windows  large,  and  everything  is  in  due 
proportion.  The  dimensions  are  forty  by  sixty 
feet,  and  the  walls  are  massive.  A  substantial 
porch  of  brick  with  three  arched  openings  and 
about  eiglit  feet  square,  covers  the  South  door. 
Standing  quietly  in  the  midst  of  the  churchyard, 
surrounded  with  many  splendid  trees  under 
which  are  resting,  in  the  hope  of  the  resurrection, 
the  mortal  remains  of  those  whose  voices  once 
rose  in  prayer  and  praise  from  its  hallowed  walls 
to  heaven,  it  is  a  worthy  object  of  our  love  and 
admiration. 

Another  matter  that  occupied  the  attention  of 
the  vestry,  and  whose  importance  is  presented  to 
us  by  the  building  of  the  church,  was  the  ques- 
tion of  parish  lines;  for  it  was  a  question  of 
considerable  moment  to  a  man  on  which  side  of 
a  line  he  lived  when  nearly  iifteen  hundred 
pounds  were  to  be  raised  by  the  sheriff;  for  the 
church  cost  in  all  fourteen  hundred  and  forty-two 
X)0unds.  By  1751  the  old  lines  of  1695  had 
become  eff'aced.  Barns  and  quarters  had  rotted 
away  within  that  time,  and  the  St.  James"  people 
thought  that  the  S(jutli  River  parish  people  were 
not    acting    fairly,    but   were   "abusing"    them. 


232  CHURCH  LIFE 

And  SO  tliey  called  in  the  great  light  "Mr.  Dulany 
Jr."  to  plead  their  cause  and  have  the  lines 
determined.  Whether  it  was  done  we  do  not 
know,  or  whether  the  Sonth  River  people  went 
on  ''abusing"  them,  as  is  highly  probable.  But 
it  has  not  only  for  a  special  levy  that  the  deter- 
mination of  the  question  was  advisable.  The 
parson  suffered  when  the  other  parish  got  what 
did  not  belong  to  it;  and  so  we  find  the  parson  of 
St.  James'  joining  in  the  endeavor  to  restrain 
the  encroaching  tendencies  of  the  South  River 
neighbor. 

The  parish  records  throughout  this  period 
show  a  thoughtful  care  on  the  part  of  the  vestry 
for  the  churcli  and  its  surroundings.  The  church 
was  old  enough  now  to  be  endeared  to  them  by 
fond  memories,  as  the  place  where  parents  and 
grandparents,  friends,  brothers  and  sisters  gone 
on  before,  had  made  the  rich  offerings  to  God  of 
their  hearts  and  minds.  It  was  the  centre  also  (^f 
life's  better  activities,  far  more  may  be  than  the 
church  is  anywhere  now  ;  for  there  were  not  as 
many  sul)jects  to  engross  the  mind  and  affections 
then  as  now;  though,  of  course,  the  devil's 
allurements  were  just  as  seductive  to  those  who 
were  not  devoted  to  the  faith.  The  vestry  felt 
the  power  of  the  oath  which  they  had  taken,  and 
were  diligent  in  their  (bities  ;  sometimes  it  would 
appear,  even  to  a  narrow  rigidness  that  wore  a 
hard  and  forbidding  aspect,  as  when  within  two 
months  of  Mr.  Lang's  death,  in  the  fall  of  the 
year  when  the  glebe  was  prohtless  save  as  a 
residence,  they  sent  the  church  warden  to  the 
widow  to  demand  of  her  comx^ensation  for  the 
same    "to   lessen   the   charges    accruing   to   the 


ly  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  2a3 

parish.'"  They  did  it,  they  said  "  to  comply 
with  their  oath  ";  but  conscience  sometimes  can 
constrain  a  pitiless  narrowness  that  is  con- 
temptible. Also  on  another  occasion  Ave  lind 
them  solemnly  dividing  and  standing  three  to 
three,  whether  they  should  allow  a  contractor 
for  two  pairs  of  hinges  for  the  church  gate.  The 
parson  stood  on  the  side  of  liberality,  but  the 
man  lost  his  money.  In  1751  the  church  came 
into  possession  of  the  handsome  silver  l)aptisnial 
bowl  that  had  been  devised  by  William  Loch 
s(mie  twenty  years  before.  The  cause  of  the 
the  delay  does  not  appear,  as  the  administrator 
of  the  estate  seems  to  have  paid  on  demand. 
A  ''  pedestal"  was  ordered  to  be  made  on  which 
the  bowl  might  be  set.  We  also  find  nt  this 
time  tliH  old  item  reappearing  of  "stocks  and 
whipping  post,""  the  church  premises  l)eing 
graced  with  them  as  a  permanent  institution. 
Unlike  New  England  customs,  however,  they 
were  still  reserved  only  for  those  who  could  not 
assert  their  respectaV)ility  as  a  bar.  and  doubtless 
the  misdemeanor  that  caused  the  infliction  was 
something  more  heinous  than  kissing  one's  wife 
on  the  street  on  Sunday.  For  this  offence  in 
Massachusetts  could  be  atoned  for  by  nothing 
less  than  a  plentiful  laying  on  of  the  lash. 

Among  other  items  now  mentioned  is  an  order 
''for  two  yards  of  cloth  for  a  communion  cloth, 
and  fringe  suitable  for  the  same."  evidently  an 
altar  cloth  such  as  we  have  seen  in  the  beginning 
of  the  century,  and  such  as  we  also  later  down 
find  still  provided.  We  have  also  in  1754  the 
following  articles  delivered  by  the  rector  to  the 
vestry,"  one  silver  tlagon,  one  silver  challace,  one 


234  CHURCH  LIFE 

silver  disli.  one  silver  bason,  one  silver  salver, 
two  snpplaces,  one  silk  hood,  one  table  clotli, 
one  napkin/'  The  hood  indicates  that  a  man  of 
learning  had  been  in  charge  of  the  parish,  most 
prol)al)ly  the  Rev.  Mr.  Lang.  The  orthography 
of  the  word  surplice  was  as  uncertain  then  to 
registrars  as  it  has  often  since  been  to  some  other 
persons.  Ave  having  within  a  few  pages,  beside  the 
above,  ''surplus,"  "surplias''  and  "  surpelias." 
We  also  have  through  eight  years,  the  vestry 
returning  to  the  county  court  lists  of  the  bache- 
lors in  the  parish  to  be  taxed  under  the  supply 
bill  of  1755  which  has  been  already  noticed. 
However  far  it  may  have  been  one  of  the  objects 
of  the  law  to  exercise  a  constaining  force  upon 
this  fraternity  to  make  them  change  their  estate, 
certainly  it  in  a  large  measure  failed  of  attaining 
its  purpose,  as  the  record  shows.  The  age  of 
persons  liable  was  not  to  l^e  less  than  twenty- 
live  years,  up  to  which  point  they  seemed  not  to 
have  ]ieen  regarded  as  responsible,  and  notable  is 
'the  eagerness  with  which  those  returned  would 
claim  their  minority  if  possible.  Also  if  a  man 
could  fix  his  income  below  the  taxable  rate,  he 
was  ever  forward  to  plead  his  poverty.  To  abate 
a  nuisance,  however,  the  law  does  not  seem  to 
have  had  much  i>ower ;  for  while  indeed  the 
numbe]"  returned  in  1757  was  twenty  Avhicli  fell 
off  in  1759  to  twelve,  yet  in  1768  we  find  it  gone 
up  again  to  eighteen,  ten  of  whom  were  returned 
as  having  an  incom.e  of  three  hundred  pounds 
and  over.  Something  was  amiss.  The  days 
were  not  marrying  days,  for  the  number  thus 
given  was  large  to  the  whole  number  of  the 
people.       The    income    was     ample.       Possibly 


IN  COL  ONI  A  L  MA  li  YLA  ND.  285 

eli.aiblH  parties  ol'  the  otlier  part  wei-e  wanting. 
Of  tile  eigliteen,  tive  had  continued  steadfast 
tliroiigiiout,  defying  the  powei's  l)oth  of  attraction 
and  constraint.  It  is  noticeable  as  justifying  the 
supposition  that  the  other  parties  necessary  to 
the  marriage  contract  were  not  to  be  had,  that 
no  attempt  was  made  to  tax  them  ;  though  it 
may  have  been  regarded  as  a  hopeless  matter 
to  attempt  to  verify  the  age ;  and  also,  as 
it  was  ])erceived  that  the  law  was  an  impositioii 
for  delinquency,  it  may  have  been  felt  to  be 
unjust  to  lay  it  on  the  maidens. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Lake,  whose  ministry  in  the 
parish  ceased  in  1763,  probably  kept  a  school,  as 
so  many  of  the  rectors  did  throughout  the 
province,  thus  by  this  means  also  assisting  the 
welfare  of  the  people  :  for  with  a  scanty  public 
school  system,  with  but  one  school  in  each  county, 
the  o]3portunities  of  the  people  were  small,  while 
the  standard  of  scholarship  in  such  schools  was 
low.  A  parish  school,  therefore,  taught  by  the 
rector,  who  was  often  a  scholarly  man,  was  a 
great  blessing,  and  helped  greatly  in  creating 
and  preserving  a  higher  and  better  tone  in  society. 
Mr.  Lake,  also,  evidently  kept  his  school  in  the 
vestry  lit)use,  Avhich  stood  in  the  church  yard. 
This  was  felt  by  the  vestry  to  be  improper,  and 
so  in  April,  1764,  Ave  lind  the  following  entry: 
"This  vestry  agrees  that  no  choole  shall  be  kept 
in  the  vestry  house  of  St.  James'  parrish.'" 
Most  evidentl}^  it  needed  to  l)e  kept  somewhere 
if  the  registrar's  training  was  a  sign  of  the  times. 
The  same  registrar  recording  the  notice  of  his 
own  election  in  1763,  writes  as  follows  :  "Benj. 
Lane  is  to  continue  clarke  of  the  Ridg't  for  the 


236  CHURCH  LIFE 

insuing  yeare  at  seven  hundred  and  lifty  pounds 
of  tob.  and  if  the  vestry  hant  tobac.  enufe  then 
the  said  Lane  is  to  be  paid  at  12s.  6d.  in  purpo- 
sion  to  what  the  sd  vestry  shall  receive." 

After  the  departure  of  Mr.  Lake  from  the 
parish  there  was  no  rector  for  about  one  year, 
during  which  time  nothing  was  done  except  the 
building  of  the  new  church,  which,  of  course, 
occupied  a  great  deal  of  attention.  Possibly  the 
church  was  occasionally  supx)lied  as  for- 
merly it  had  been ;  or  possibly  the  governor 
waited  for  a  voice  from  over  the  water.  Governor 
Sharpe  had  come  into  the  province  bringing  his 
commission  in  1753.  In  the  removal  of  Governor 
Ogle  the  church  lost  a  friend.  Governor  Sharpe, 
while  in  many  respects  an  admirable  character, 
was  evidently  also  a  man  of  worldly  policy,  and 
the  administration  of  the  church  at  his  hands 
was  frequently  without  any  due  sense  of  the 
vast  obligations  belonging  to  his  office.  Parishes 
were  given  away  Avithout  any  respect  for  the 
preferences  or  protests  of  the  people,  and  with- 
out any  regard  for  the  unfitness  of  the  candidate 
for  his  bounty.  He  remained  about  fifteen  years 
in  office. 


i^V  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  237 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

TIIK    FIFTJI     PKinoD. 

The  period  upon  wliieli  we  now  enter  was  the 
mo.st  a(-tive  in  all  the  colonial  history,  not  of 
Maryland  only  bnt  of  all  America.  For  it  was 
the  period  during  whicli  the  great  questions  were 
agitated  that  finally  resulted  in  the  declaration 
of  Aninrican  independence.  These  began  soon 
after,  and  were  in  no  slight  degree  dependent 
upon,  the  extinction  of  the  French  Empire  in 
Canada,  the  same  removing  what  had  always 
been  a  cause  of  more  or  less  anxiety  to  the 
colonists,  making  them  look  to  England  for 
assistance.  In  another  way  also  did  this  loss  to 
the  French  })romote  the  American  revolution;  for 
it  was  in  part  the  heavy  burdens  which  the 
French  war  created,  that  caused  the  British 
government  to  look  to  the  provinces  for  pecuni- 
ary assistance. 

JBut  over  and  above  all  other  causes,  the  agita- 
tion of  that  last  decade  that  resulted  in  American 
freedom,  arose  from  within.  The  colonies, 
that  had  grown  up  as  children,  though  without 
much  maternal  care  from  the  home  government, 
which  always  thought  more  of  British  profits 
than  of  the  welfare  of  the  provinces,  had  now 


288  CHURCH  LIFE 

reached  the  age  of  manhood,  and  sensitive  in 
regard  to  everything  that  did  not  comx^ort  with 
their  strength  and  vigor,  they  h)oked  with  sns- 
picion  npon  every  proposed  nieasnre  of  the 
British  Ministry,  however  much  precedent  might 
seem  to  Justify  it.  The  course  of  Dr.  Franklin 
in  London  evidences  this,  for  he  seconded  meas- 
nres  there  that  were  violently  repudiated  at 
home. 

The  manhood  of  the  American  colonies,  how- 
ever, did  not  show  itself  only  in  the  way  of 
jealousy  of  British  measures.  It  was  the  matur- 
ity of  a  peculiar  civilization  in  which  various 
things  had  been  outgrown  which  up  to  that  time 
had  l^een  looked  upon  as  essential  component 
parts  of  a  duly  organized  society.  The  training 
of  the  colonies  had  been  peculiar,  different  from 
anything  in  the  x^^st  history  of  states.  They 
had  been  the  voluntary  creation  of  individuals 
on  remote  shores,  with  a  home  government  too 
much  occupied  in  its  own  affairs  to  give  any  heed 
to  them.  They  had  made  their  own  laws,  jiro- 
vided  for  their  own  defence,  determined  in  many 
things  their  own  government.  They  were  even 
in  large  measure  sex:)arated  one  from  the  other, 
not  only  by  non-intercourse,  but  also  by  very 
marked  characteristics.  So  that  a  strong  spirit 
of  self-conlidence  and  self-assertion  was  engen- 
dered among  them  in  respect  of  one  another. 
They  ministered  to  British  x^rosperity  through 
the  commerce  they  furnished,  while  they  often 
felt  they  received  no  adequate  return  for  the 
imxx)sitions  they  had  to  bear. 

Under  these  circumstances  an  index^endent 
sx:)irit  was  develox^ed  in  them,  and  a  susx:)icious 


IN  COL  ONI  A  L  MA  R  YLA  ND.  239 

disposition  ToAvards  everj^thing  tliat  seemed  to 
aifect  their  independence;  so  that  for  a  score  of 
years  and  more  before  the  tinal  rupture,  their 
history  was  one  of  Avatclifnl  protest  against  some 
dreaded  usurpation,  Avlietlier  the  province  was  a 
royal  one,  or  whether  it  was  proprietary.  Theirs 
Avas  a  civilization  in  Avhicli  individuality  and  the 
l)rivate  rights  and  li]>erty  of  the  citizen,  were  the 
most  eminent  conception,  the  contrary  of  the 
leading  thought  of  royalty.  And  this  was  in  a 
marked  degree  the  condition  of  things  in  Mary- 
land, Avliere  human  rights  and  the  true  relations 
of  the  citizen  to  the  government,  as  betAveen  the 
people  and  Lord  Baltimore,  had  always  engaged 
a  large  degree  of  attention.  Taxation  and  the 
right  of  the  people  to  make  their  OAvn  laAA^s, 
Jealousy  against  prerogative,  government  by  the 
people  for  the  people,  these  subjects  agitated  the 
people  of  Maryland  along  with  all  the  rest  of 
America,  through  this  period,  kindling  it  into  a 
ilame,  as  testified  to  hj  a  resident  of  this  i)rovince 
then. 

And  the  result  AA'as  AA'hat,  may  be,  no  one  fore- 
saAv,  from  this  great  leading  consideration,  a 
great  broadening  out  of  sympathies  and  a  lay- 
ing hold  of  principles  Avhich  in  themselves  are 
the  first  basis  of  all  right  government.  So  that 
AA'hen  under  the  common  agitation  the  issue  at 
last  Avas  reached,  Puritan  NeAv  England,  Quaker 
Pennsylvania,  Church  of  England  Marjdand  and 
Virginia,  Avere  found  in  substantial  agreement, 
and  all  the  differences  that  had  existed,  Avhether 
under  statute  or  not,  as  to  the  ground  of  citizen- 
ship, ceased  to  be.  All  churches  Avere  dis-estab- 
lislied  and  church  rates  abolished;  and  even  the 


240  CHUBCH  LIFE 

Roman  Catholic,  no  longer  feared  under  the 
clearer  liglit  tliat  had  at  length  dawned,  was 
everywhere  accorded  equal  rights  with  all  other 
men.  And  doubtless  one  cause  wliy  the  Church 
of  England  was  disturbed  so  greatly  during  the 
last  decade  of  her  existence  as  an  establishment, 
why  some  of  her  most  prominent  sons  in  the  con- 
troversies of  the  time,  lifted  up  the  heel  against 
her  as  an  establishment,  was  that  the  times  were 
out  of  liarmony  with  such  an  institution.  It  was 
a  burden  because  it  was,  though  as  yet  not  per- 
ceived by  the  citizens  of  Maryland,  abnormal,  a 
violation  of  the  true  relations  that  exist  between 
men  in  society.  That  any  va\\n  should  be  disfran- 
chised because  of  his  religion  or  his  want  of  it, 
or  that  one  man  sliould  be  taxed  to  provide  min 
istrations  and  a  house  of  worship  for  another, 
for  Which  he  himself  had  an  aversion,  whether 
conscientious  or  not,  was  contrary  to  the  devel- 
oping sense  of  American  freedom. 

That  the  chui'ch  through  tliis  time  had  a  great 
trial  of  afflictions  none  need  question,  and  that 
without  any  offence  or  fault  of  her  own.  That 
she  was  still  afflicted  with  some  evil  men  was 
true,  and  that  her  clergy  were  frequently  out  of 
sympathy  Avitli  the  people  in  the  great  questions 
which  the  x^t'ople  had  received  as  a  birthright, 
but  of  which  the  clergy,  as  coming  into  the  pro- 
vince only  in  the  full  years  of  manhood,  were 
ignorant.  Also  many  of  the  clergy,  nearly  one- 
half,  were  foreigners  to  the  colonists,  who  chiefly 
sprang  from  English  stock;  for  Scotchmen  and 
Irishmen  were  then,  even  much  less  than  now,  in 
harmony  with  the  English  ideas  and  English 
feelings  inherited  by  the  colonists.     Also,  as  not 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  241 

having  been  chosen  liy,  but  imposed  upon  the 
people,  there  was  no  mutual  sense  of  dependence. 
Rather  the  clergy  represented  an  extraneous 
power  of  whose  every  act  they  were  jealous, 
which  was  also  at  this  time  disposed  ever  to 
assume  a  more  imperious  tone  and  to  be  more 
reckless  of  propriety  in  church  administration, and 
who  only  resisted  the  introduction  of  Episcopacy 
lest  it  should  interfere  with  its  own  untramelled 
intluence.  Unfortunately  also  circumstances 
brought  the  church  into  conflict  with  public 
sentiment  at  a  time  when  the  mind  of  the  public 
was  violently  excited  by  other  questions. 

The  great  agitation  of  the  year  1765  will  here 
be  remembered,  and  the  energetic  action  of  Mary- 
land in  common  with  the  rest  of  the  colonies. 
The  spontaneous  outlnirst  of  that  time  was  only 
a  witness  to  hidden  lire.  And  the  lire  never 
went  out  afterwards;  for  there  was  enough  in 
British  measures,  Avhether  they  were  proposed  or 
repealed,  to  excite  the  people's  alarm.  Here  will 
also  be  remeinbered  the  great  excitement  pro- 
duced l)y  the  Proclamation  act  of  1770, when  the 
Governor  attempted  to  regulate  by  his  own  mani- 
festo the  fees  to  be  paid  the  officers  of  the  pro- 
vincial government;  an  assumption  to  resist 
which  the  people  had  been  prepared  for  many 
years.  For  Maryland  had  to  contend  against  a 
twofold  encroachment,  both  of  the  English 
government  and  also  of  her  superior  Lord  and 
his  governors.  All  kinds  of  tyranny  excited 
her,  but  especially  that  of  petty  tyrants. 

Unfortunately,  therefore,  for  the  church,  in 
the  year  1767,  the  question  of  the  induction  of 
the  clergy  assumed  large  proportions,  particularly 


242  CHURCH  LIFE 

because  his  excellency  tlie  Governor  in  the 
plentitiide  of  his  power,  saw  ht  not  only  to 
ignore  the  people's  pleasure  in  not  appointing  the 
man  they  preferred,  but  in  appointing  the  one 
they  reprobated  One  parish  even  proceeded  to 
extremity  and  refused  to  receive  the  letter  of 
induction,  and  the  matter,  taken  out  of  parochial 
bounds  became  a  general  question.  The  courts 
of  the  province  decided  in  favor  of  the  Governor's 
unlimited  right,  and  his  position  was  sustained 
by  the  best  legal  talents  of  the  day.  The  people 
however,  did  not  know  how  to  yield,  and  some- 
what inconsistently  with  their  patriotic  claims, 
carried  the  matter  to  England.  But  Lord  Balti- 
more w^ent  on  inducting  whom  he  would.  This 
question  was  strongly  agitated  in  various  parishes, 
and  private  terms  were  attempted  by  the  vestries. 
Doubtless  had  not  the  Revolution  cut  all  matters 
short  the  evils  of  the  system  would  have  neces- 
sarily been  remedied  in  a  very  few  years.  For  it 
would  not  have  been  possible  for  any  one,  and 
certainly  not  for  one  whose  character  could  not 
command  the  jmblic  esteem,  as  Frederick,  the 
last  of  his.  name,  to  wantonly  commit  such  out- 
rage upon  the  people's  highest  interests.  The 
remedy  would  have  been  found  before  long 
under  any  circumstances. 

The  old  question  that  had  been  coming  to  the 
surface  all  through  the  century,  and  particularly 
when  the  waters  were  troubled,  again  at  this 
time  was  presented,  the  question  of  a  bishop  for 
the  colonies.  And  nothing  exhibits  more 
strongly  the  great  yearning  desire  of  the  clergy 
for  a  better  condition  of  things  in  the  church. 
For  they  all  felt  that  not  only  w^as  the  effect  of 


IN  (JOLOXIAL  MAKYLAyD.  248 

tlie  delinquent,  whoever  he  niiuht  be,  l)a(l  upon 
his  own  work,  but  that  all  the  clergy  of  the 
province  were  hindered  and  their  work  marred 
by  the  evil  reports  that  got  abroad.  And,  there- 
fore, their  urgency  for  this  relief.  But,  unfortu- 
nately, they  were  the  only  persons  in  the  colonies 
that  had  strong  faith  in  that  means,  and  who 
did  not  look  upon  the  remedy  as  fraui;ht  with 
greater  ills  than  it  Avas  intended  to  correct. 
Therefore,  also,  at  this  time  they  were  again 
strongly  opposed.  First  it  was  hy  his  lordship's 
agent.  Governor  Sharpe,who  in  1707  rejected  the 
notion  on  the  ground  that  it  would  interfere 
with  his  lordship's  rights,  while  Governor  Eden 
afterwards  assumed  a  more  supercilious  tone, 
insisting  that  a  bishop,  if  appointed  and  resident 
in  the  colony,  would  be  able  to  effect  nothing. 
l)ecaase  the  parishes  of  Maryland  were  "dona- 
tives." over  the  holders  of  wliicli  the  Bishop 
could  have  no  control.  Lord  Baltimore  in  one 
word,  would  appoint  whom  he  would,  and  neither 
his  wickedness  nor  his  mistakes  should  be 
corrected,  however  much  the  people's  spiritual 
welfare  might  suffer.  Dr.  Hawks,  however,  who 
argues  this  question,  shows  that  even  l)eing  dona- 
tives, the  claims  of  Governor  Eden  were  false, 
because  a  clergyman  holding  such  a  living,  was 
liable  to  discipline  for  evil  numners.  Gov.  Eden, 
further  chose  to  assume  a  supercilious  bearing 
towards  the  clergy. 

But  unfortunately  the  people  at  this  time 
cordially  endorsed  the  action  and  the  opinicms 
of  the  Governors.  For  as  Eddis  tells  us  in  his 
fourth  letter  written  in  1770,  '*the  colonists  were 
strongly  prejudiced  against  the  Episcoi)al  order," 


244  CHURCH  LIFE 

their  imaginations  clothing  a  Bishop  in  the 
colonies  with  the  extreme  functions  and  preroga- 
tives that  their  Lordships  possessed  in  England, 
a  form  of  power  that  they  both  dreaded  and 
hated.  We  have  seen  also  in  a  previous  period, 
that  people  in  England  equally  opposed  the 
Episcopate  for  America  on  the  ground  that  it 
would  affect  unfavorably  the  dependence  of  the 
colonies  upon  the  mother  country.  So  to  the 
last  hour  of  the  existence  of  the  establishment 
there  was  a  harmony  of  antagonism  everywhere 
to  this  proposition,  which  was  found  amongst  all 
parties  on  no  other  subject;  doubtless  so  ordered 
in  God's  good  providence. 

And  yet  there  was  a  cry  for  discipline. 
There  was  a  strong  desire  for  some  corrective 
means,  and  again  there  was  advanced  the  old 
scheme  that  had  before  repeatedly  failed.  This 
was  the  appointment  of  a  mixed  court  under  an 
act  of  the  Assembly,  for  the  trial  of  the  clergy. 
This  was  first  attempted  in  170S,  but  the  Gov- 
ernor immediatelj^  disallowed  it,  the  clergy 
bringing  a  strong  pressure  to  bear.  Again  in 
1724  the  attempt  had  been  made,  but  with  like 
result,  the  clergy  objecting  to  the  trial  of  any  of 
their  order  by  laymen;  claiming  that  such  was 
against  the  principles  of  the  cliurch  of  which 
they  were  ministers.  Again  in  1768  the  attempt 
was  made,  the  Governor,  as  ordinary,  having  by 
the  bill  disciplinary  power  granted  him  with 
power  to  associate  with  himself  three  clergymen 
and  three  laymen.  But  again  the  clergy 
objected,  showing,  in  addition  to  the  former 
argument  al^out  the  principles  of  the  church, 
that  such  power  would  interfere  with  the  civil 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  245 

rights  of  liis  Lordsliip  in  the  iiuitter  of  tlie  livings; 
and  the  consequence  again  was  that  the  Governor 
did  not  approve.  The  clergy  offered,  in  a 
memorial  to  the  Assembly,  to  frame  a  law  which 
sliould  be  effective,  and  at  the  same  time  obviate 
these  objections,  but  their  jn'oposition  was 
ignored.  As  we  sliall  see,  the  clergy,  who  conld 
be  so  strenuous  for  the  rights  of  their  order  now, 
could  also  ignore  the  x>i'inciples  on  which  they 
laid  such  stress  The  clergy  were  a  third  estate 
in  the  province,  and  were  regarded  with  jealousy 
by  both  the  other  parties. 

An  instance  of  this  jealousy  on  the  i)art  of  the 
Proprietary  was  given  in  1769.  The  movement 
for  obtaining  the  Episcoj^ate  about  that  time  had 
been  a  general  one  on  the  part  of  the  clergy  in 
the  several  provinces,  and  the  Maryland  clergy 
had  acted  only  upon  the  invitation  of  their 
brethren.  Having  consulted  together  they  had 
come  to  a  like  conclusion  with  them.  This  com- 
bined action  was  feared  as  a  precedent  ap})arently, 
by  his  Lordship,  and  at  this  time  an  order  was 
issued  by  the  Governor  forbidding  the  clergy  to 
assemble  on  any  occasion.  This  was  a  favorite 
means  of  the  Proprietary,  he  having  done  the 
same  in  17r)4.  The  clergy  evidently  did  not  re- 
gard his  mandate  as  of  any  great  force,  for  they 
did  meet  as  we  have  seen  in  1769.  By  what  right 
he  should  have  attempted  to  interdict  their  assem- 
bling is  difficult  for  us  to  perceive.  To  our  ideas 
such  an  attemx^t  can  only  appear  as  an  extrava- 
gant outrage.  It  was  a  stretch  of  prerogative 
tliac  could  only  excite  the  bitterest  feeling  both 
for  irs  illegality  and  its  injustice. 

But  misfortunes  had  not  vet  beaun  to  cease. 


246  CHURCH  LIFE 

Suspicion  and  contiiniely  liad  been  heaped  upon 
the  cleriiv,  most  of  wlioni  were  an  honor  both  to 
their  calling  and  to  njanhood.  Yet  there  was 
still  reserved  a  bitterness  of  trial  eqnal  to  if  not 
greater  than  any  yet  |)assed  through.  This  was 
in  connection  with  what  is  known  as  the  Procla- 
mation and  Yestry  act  question,  which  began  in 
1770,  the  origin  of  which  was  as  follows  :  It  had 
been  the  custom  in  Maryland  as  well  as  in  the 
other  colonies,  for  the  Assenddy,  in  passing- 
money  bills,  to  limit  the  time  of  their  operation, 
with  the  intention  of  keeping  by  this  means  the 
officers  of  the  government  dependent  upon  their 
will.  In  Maryland  also,  the  state  of  the  currency 
made  such  a  thing  of  two-fold  value,  the  price  of 
tobacco  being  exceedingly  variable.  With  this 
limitation  the  inspection  bill  of  1763  had  l)een 
passed,  the  same  jn'oviding  for  the  fees  of  certain 
offices,  which  were  j^aid  in  tobacco,  as  all  fees 
were,  unless  the  one  paying  should  prefer  to  pay 
in  money  at  a  fixed  rate  of  commutation.  This 
law  was  passed  to  hold  only  till  1770,  when  the 
attempt  was  made  by  the  lower  house  to  renew  it, 
with  certain  modifications  in  the  matter  of  fees. 
For  the  enormous  sum  frequently'  exacted  was  an 
unwarrantable  imposition  upon  the  people,  and 
the  aggregate  in  various  instances  altogether  out 
of  proportion  to  the  duty  and  responsibility  of 
the  officer. 

The  law,  however,  did  not  pass  ;  for  the  upper 
house,  some  of  whose  members  were  the  reci])i- 
ents  of  much  fees,  objected,  and  the  Assembly 
came  to  a  dead  dock  It  was  soon  found  also,  that 
an  accommodation  was  impossible,  and  the  As- 
seml)ly  was  prorogued.     In  this  emergency  Gov- 


IN  COLONIAL  MAltYLAND.  247 

eriior  Eden  saw  tit  to  issue  a  proclamation  provi- 
ding for  the  fees  of  office,  appointing  those  that 
had  been  named  in  the  law  of  1708  to  wliich  the  peo- 
ple had  so  violently  objected.  Then  began  the 
war  of  words  and  the  reign  of  bitterness,  not  only 
the  amount  of  fees  l)eing  exclaimed  against,  but 
also,  rhe  principle  assumed  hj  the  Governor  that 
he  could  of  hiniself  regulate  such  an  important 
matter  as  the  fees  of  office  ;  that  is,  by  his  own 
act  assess  taxes  upon  the  people.  His  excuse 
was,  and  the  defence  made  by  his  supporters, 
that  he  was  justified  in  his  act  by  the  al^sence  of 
any  provision  for  the  emergency.  But  this  did 
not  in  any  way  satisfy  the  people,  and  the  battle 
lasted  till  the   year  1773. 

Now  most  unfortunately  the  church  was 
immediately  associated  with  this  great 
agitation,  though  it  was  some  relief  that  the 
Governor  did  not  intervene  in  its  behalf. 
For  the  same  laAv  of  1763  that  regulated  officers 
fees  provided  also  for  a  reduction  of  the 
poll  tax  levied  for  the  l)enefit  of  the  church,  the 
reduction  being  one  fourth  of  the  amount  fixed 
by  the  original  law  of  17(»2.  When,  however, 
the  law  of  17(53  lapsed,  while  the  officers  fees  be- 
came an  open  question,  the  clergy  insisted  that 
the  provision  made  for  the  establishment  by  the 
law  of  1702  again  came  in  force,  as  that  law  does 
not  seem  in  any  of  its  clauses  to  have  been 
rej^ealed  ;  only  this  supplementary  act  seems  to 
have  been  passed.  And  in  this  their  opinion 
they  were  ably  sustained  by  some  of  the  best  le- 
gal talent  of  the  day.  Again,  however,  it  was 
their  bad  lot  to  have  the  same  advocates  on  their 
side  as  had  defended  the  proclamation  act ;  so 


248  CHURCH  LIFE 

that  their  intlaence  was  very  much  weakened, 
while  some  of  the  sons  of  the  church  were  among 
her  most  vigorous  and  able  antagonists.  But  it 
was  not  only  a  battle  of  the  lawyers.  The  clergy 
themselves  did  right  manfnl  service,  notably  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Boucher,  whose  stalwart  spirit  could 
give  as  heavy  blows  as  he  was  called  on  to  re- 
ceive, and  his  thrusts  were  sometimes  well  aimed, 
not  only  at  the  cause  of  his  opponents,  but  passed 
through  the  Joints  of  their  armor,  as  when  he  re- 
minded some  of  them  that  the  very  law  that  they 
were  endeavoring  to  overwhelm,  was  one  which 
as  vestrymen  they  w^ere  daily  recognizing  and 
honoring. 

For  there  loomed  up  in  the  midst  of  the  contest 
the  question  whether  the  vestry  act  of  1702  was 
or  ever  had  been  a  law  at  all ;  the  plea  being  that 
King  William,  in  whose  name  the  writs  calling 
the  assembly  ran,  had  died  before  the  coming 
together  of  the  same,  and  therefore  that  that 
assembly  was  illegal  and  all  its  acts  void.  Of 
course  such  a  question  excited  everyone,  and  with 
the  numerous  opponents  of  the  law  in  the  colony^ 
that  is,  the  dissenters  of  all  names,  with  some 
churchmen  joined  with  them,  and  with  the  whole 
body  of  the  ungodly  and  the  profane,  it  was  a 
heavy  blow  at  the  Estal^lishment.  Whether  the 
facts  were  as  stated,  and  whether  the  law  was 
null  supposing  the  facts  true,  was  never  deter- 
mined ;  for  in  1773  in  the  month  of  November, 
an  accommodation  was  reached,  thirty  pounds  of 
tobacco  being  lixect  as  the  poll  tax,  with  the 
jjrivilege  granted  the  people  of  commuting  at 
four  shillings  per  poll.  The  proviso,  however, 
was  added  that  sacli  a  provision  should  in  no 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  241) 

way  prejudice  tlie  question  about  the  validity  of. 
the  law  of  1702.  Wlietlier  that  Avasa  sop  thrown 
to  the  dissenters,  because  the  church  was  so 
strong  and  zeal  for  its  support  so  great  as  that 
fear  was  felt  about  destroying  the  Establishment, 
or  whether  it  was  proposed  to  keep  it  an  open 
question  for  final  determination,  we  do  not  know. 
Most  probably,  however,  it  was  only  the  sox), 
and  the  church  was  loved  and  cherished  by  the 
vast  mass  of  the  people.  For  it  was  a  crime  to 
exact  the  tax  a  moment  longer  of  Roman  Catho- 
lics, Quakers,  and  all  that  race,  if  the  law  was 
not  binding,  and  the  bitterness  of  the  controversy 
for  tliree  years,  in  which  the  question  might 
have  been  settled,  had  ih'*^P'^i'*?<1^  the  i)eople  for 
any  extreme  step  that  might  be  esteemed  justifi- 
able. Besides,  when  three  years  after  this  the 
Establishment  did  cease,  the  state  separated  from 
her  companion  with  a  tender  and  generous 
salutation.  The  proviso,  therefore,  in  all 
probability,  was  only  a  peace  offering  to  a  very 
influential  minority. 

But  even  these  questions  were  only  incidental 
to  a  great  raging  sea  of  excitement  whose  waters 
were  swelling  all  this  time  ;  an  excitement  pro- 
duced by  the  question  of  stamped  x>J^P*?i'5  the 
question  of  non-importation  of  British  goods,  the 
question  of  sympathy  with  the  other  colonies, 
the  question  of  the  destruction  of  the  tea  in  the 
Annapolis  harbor ;  questions  over  which  not 
only  were  the  people  excited,  but  which  caused 
them  to  organize  for  the  promotion  of  the  ends 
they  were  determined  on  and  about  which  they 
were  very  clear  minded.  And  again  to  our  sor- 
row we  find  a  large  part  of  the  clergy  divided  off 


250  CHURCH  LIFE 

from  the  people.  ''All  America,"  said  Eddis, 
"is  in  aflame.  I  hear  strange  language  every 
day.  The  colonists  are  rife  for  any  measriies 
that  will  tend  to  the  preservation  of  what  they 
call  their  natural  liberty."  To  be  antagonistic 
to  the  peox)le  at  that  time  and  on  that  subject, 
meant  ostracism,  and  it  meant  violence  too, 
if  the  opposition  of  the  clergy  shonld  show  itself 
in  crossing  the  people's  will  in  any  way,  even  in 
the  matters  concerning  religion,  or  the  worship 
of  the  house  of  God.  And  this  could  not  be 
avoided  ;  for  as  it  has  always  been  found,  grant- 
ing any  measure  of  religiousness  in  a  man's 
temj^erament,  let  a  great  crisis  arrive  and  that 
man  will  Hee  to  the  Almighty  if  it  is  only  to 
propitiate  Him  to  become  auxiliary  for  the 
furtherance  of  his  desires. 

And  so  at  this  time,  we  are  told,  that  out  of 
the  forty-tive  parishes  in  Maryland,  twenty -eight 
became  vacant  at  the  Revolution,  and  that  only 
twenty-five  of  the  clergy  are  reported  to  have 
taken  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  state.  How 
many  of  these  were  only  half-hearted  in  the  cause 
and  so  did  not  command  the  conhdence  or  respect 
of  their  people,  we  are  not  told,  but  probably  a 
considerable  ratio  according  to  a  general  rule 
that  has  often  been  tested  ;  for  it  was  a  sore 
temptation  to  a  clergyman  then,  dependent  on 
his  parish  for  his  daily  bread,  far  awaj"  from  the 
home  country  where  only,  and  then  only  ^n-oba- 
bly,  maintenance  could  be  found  for  him  and  his 
little  ones,  it  was  a  sore  temptation  to  him  to 
take  the  oath,  though  with  many  qualms  of 
conscience  ;  and  that  so  many  refused  to  do  it, 
but   surrendered   their  livings,    enduring  every 


IN  COLONIAL  MAR y LAND  251 

Rpcessary  discomfort  niid  loss  for  conscience 
snke,  is  a  high  testimony  to  their  christian  man- 
liness. It  was  a  trial  similar  to  that  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew's (lay  K^Crl  or  to  that  of  1643  when  the 
covenant  was  imposed  ;  and  what  they  endui'ed 
in  every  way  that  refused  the  test,  was  equal  to 
the  burden  of  those  earlier  times.  For  it  was  not 
only  the  loss  of  chni'ch  and  livelihood.  V)ut  they 
were  placed  under  the  social  ban,  and  their  lives 
made  uncomfortable.  For  in  those  days  in  any 
part  of  America  to  sym]3athize  with  the  kino;  as 
against  the  colonies,  made  one  to  be  regarded  as 
a  traitor  and  a  public  enemy. 

^^'e  get  S(mie  glimpse  of  the  condition  of  tilings 
in  the  experience  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Boucher, 
before  spoken  of  ;  though,  doubtless,  his  heroic 
fortitude  was  not  emulated  hj  many,  and  so  but 
few,  if  any,  had  to  l^ear  his  extreme  discomfort. 
His  parish  was  in  Prince  (ieorge's  county,  given 
him  at  the  time,  he  made  himself  famous  by  his 
controversy  with  Messrs.  Paca  and  Chase  over 
the  vestry  act  question.  Here  he  remained  till 
the  bitterness  of  the  times  brought  things  to  a 
climax.  This  was  reached  in  1775,  when  he  tells 
us  :  '"Ff)r  more  than  six  months  I  preached, 
when  I  did  preach,  with  a  pair  of  loaded  i)istols 
lying  on  the  cushion,  having  given  notice  that  if 
any  man  or  any  body  of  men  could  possibly  be 
so  lost  to  all  sense  of  decency  or  propriety  as  to 
drag  me  out  of  my  own  pulpit  I  should  think 
myself  justified  before  God  and  man  in  repelling 
violence."  Probably  the  young  man's  violent 
self-assertion  1)egot  the  violence  that  was  shown 
towards  him  ;  nevertheless  he  was  sincere  and 
felt  with  terrible  earnestness  on  the  subject  that 
was  ao-itatina:  everv  one. 


253  CHURCH  LIFE 

But  in  May  of  this  year  liis  belligerancy  became 
even  more  pronounred.  The  eleventh  day  of 
that  month  had  been  appointed  a  day  of  fasting 
and  of  prayer,  and  jMr.  Boucher  let  it  be  known 
that  he  would  preach  in  his  church.  His  text. 
Neb.  vi.  ](),  11,  show^s  the  nature  of  the  man,  and 
it  is  extremely  improbable  that  his  highest 
eloquence  would  have  accomplished  any  good 
with  that  theme.  He  did  not,  however,  then 
have  an  opportunity  of  delivering  his  mind  of 
its  burden.  For  coming  to  the  church  about 
tifteen  minutes  before  the  time  for  beginning  the 
service,  he  found  that  already  his  curate,  who 
was  a  Repul))ican,  was  in  the  desk,  and  that  a 
crowd  of  men  were  around  the  church  doors. 
On  attemx)ting  to  enter  the  leader  of  the  people 
ax^proached  him,  saying  they  did  not  want  him  to 
preach,  when  he  replied  that  he  would  either  do 
it  or  lose  his  life.  The  people,  however,  did  not 
look  upon  that  as  the  alternative.  In  the  mean 
time  he  had  gotten  into  the  church  and  attempted, 
with  his  pistol  in  one  hand  and  his  sermon  in 
the  other  to  reach  the  pulpit.  Finding  that 
impossil)le,  however,  and  being  surrounded  by 
the  excited  crowd,  he  seized  the  leader  by  the 
collar,  and  told  him,  with  his  pistol  cocked,  that 
if  anyone  should  dare  attack  him  he  would  blow 
his,  the  leader's,  brains  out.  But  the  men  were 
as  stubborn  as  he  was,  and  while  respecting  him 
enough  not  to  hurt  him,  they  escorted  him  out 
of  church  and  all  the  way  home,  and  Avith  music, 
too,  though  it  was  by  the  lifer  playing  the 
rogue's  march.  There  was  evidently  a  good 
deal  of  humor  in  that  crowd.  Mr.  Boucher, 
however,  was  not  intimidated,   for  on  the  next 


IN  CO  L  ON  I  A  L  MA  li  J  'LA  ND.  253 

Sunday  he  went  to  the  (•hui'cli,  and  though  amidst 
great  confusion,  preached  his  fast-day  sermon. 
Mr.  Bouclier  afterwards  went  to  England  when 
the  difficulties  of  the  situation  multii)lied,  and 
there  spent  the  remainder  of  liis  life  in  a  com- 
fortable parish,  and  used  his  talented  pen  not 
only  on  American  affairs,  but  besides  the  special 
work  of  his  holy  calling,  also  on  matters  of 
]»hil()logical  science. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  such  agitation  as  this, 
though  not  generally  so  violent,  as  there  was  but 
one  Mr.  Boucher  in  the  province,"  that  the  estab- 
lishment at  last  came  to  an  end.  The  developing 
spirit  of  liberty,  that  either  directly  or  indirectly 
caused  all  this  agitation,  fully  expressed  itself 
when  at  last  the  proprietary  government  was 
overthrown,  all  allegiance  to  a  foreign  authority 
■was  repudiated,  and  the  people  made  their  own 
laws  and  established  their  own  principles  of 
government.  For  the  first  element  of  that  spirit 
of  liberty  was  equality  under  the  law,  and  the 
cominon  enjoyment  of  all  franchises  ;  every  man 
being  accorded  the  full  possession  of  the  same 
until  by  his  own  unworthiness  he  had  been 
adjudged  unfit. 

With  this  apprehension  on  the  part  of  people 
the  establishment  of  necessity  ceased  to  be  ;  for 
the  principle  that  lay  at  the  bottom  of  it,  was 
that  all  should  contribute  to  the  support  of  an 
institution  that  before  the  law  had  no  exclusive 
value ;  for  freedom  to  worship  was  always 
granted  in  Maryland  to  every  name  and  sect, 
the  Roman  Catholics  being  only  politically  dis- 
franchised. And  this  support  they  were  com- 
pelled to  render,  though  to  do  so  they  felt  to  be 


254  CHURCH  LIFE 

a  violation  of  tlieir  own  rights  of  proj^erty,  as  well 
as  in  some  instances,  a  violation  of  conscience.  The 
establishment  M^as  an  institntion  that  had  out- 
lived its  day  ia  America  ;  and  so  as  soon  as  the 
authorities  passed  upon  the  principles  of  the 
new  government,  which  they  did  in  the  conven- 
tion that  closed  its  sessions  November  11,  1776, 
the  establishment  i:)assed  out  of  existence.  This 
was  by  the  Declaration  of  Rights  which  set  forth 
the  plainest  and  simplest  principles  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty.  The  state,  however,  was  tender 
towards  its  old  associate  ;  for  instead  of  subject- 
ing it  to  the  outrage  which  befell  the  chiirch  in 
Virginia,  the  glebes,  churches,  chapels  and  other 
property  then  owned,  were  secured  to  her,  and 
also  it  was  provided  that  the  repairs  of  sacred 
ediiices  then  in  progress  under  former  acts 
should  still  go  on.  The  incumbents  also  of  the 
parishes  were  to  be  i)aid  up  to  November  1st. 
And  further,  the  declaration  recognized  that  it 
was  legitimate  to  provide  by  a  tax  for  the  sux^port 
of  the  christian  religion,  with  the  right  of  every 
individual,  however,  to  say  to  the  support 
of  what  denomination  his  money  should  be 
applied.  This  is  interesting  as  showing  that 
the  church  establishment  with  all  its  draw- 
backs, had  not  excited  that  animosity  for 
a  state  support  of  religion  that  the  outcry  of 
the  time  might  have  led  us  to  anticipate. 
Rather  there  is  no  reason  for  believing  but  that 
the  church  was  very  profoundly  the  church  of 
the  affections  of  the  i)eople,  and  that  she  only 
ceased  to  be  the  establishment  because  such  an 
external  relation  was  not  in  keeping  with  the 
sentiments  of   the  times.     The  church  of   Eno-- 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  ^oo 

land  was  ahvays  the  churcli  of  the  peoples'  de- 
sire, and  the  best  and  ablest  citizens,  with  a  rare 
exception,  were  her  children.  And  because  of 
the  love  borne  her  then,  and  the  traditions  she 
has  inherited  from  that  time,  the  church  in  Ma- 
ryland holds  the  eminent  position  now  of  having, 
save  in  one  case,  a  larger  percentage  to  the  whole 
poi^ulation  than  the  church  in  any  other  state,  a 
fact  the  more  notable  when  we  rememl)er  to  how 
relatively  small  a  degree  the  people  are  gathered 
together  in  towns  where  the  church  mostly  flour- 
ishes. The  rural  districts  of  Maryland  are  cov- 
ered by  old  parishes  where  there  abounds  a  tra- 
ditional as  well  as  personal  love  of  the  church,  a 
love  that  has  often  survived  through  periods  of 
the  most  adverse  circumstances. 


256  CHURCH  LIFE 


CHAPTER    Xyil. 

THE   PAKI8H. 

St.  James'  parish  presents  to  us  during  this  pe- 
riod in  various  things  a  minor  ^ncture  of  what- 
was  going  on  in  tlie  colony  at  large,  being  dis- 
turbed by  some  of  the  causes  that  so  deejily  af- 
fected other  churches.  It  presents,  also,  some 
attractive  features,  and  so  doubtless  is  a  fair 
representation  of  the  whole.  The  Rev.  Alex. 
Adams  succeeded  to  the  rectorship  September  the 
fourth,  1764,  presenting  his  letter  bearing  that 
date.  He  was  probably  a  very  good  man,  for  he 
had  been  a  long  while  in  the  province,  and  is 
described  as  very  old.  A  bad  man  whose  repu- 
tation would  have  been  too  well  known  through  a 
fortj'  years  residence,  would  not  have  been  able 
to  secure  such  a  parish  as  St.  James'  at  that  time 
of  life.  It  is  a  comfort  to  remember  that  he  who 
in  1723  was  compelled  to  record  such  a  hard  fate 
as  his  fortune,  debt,  destitution  and  anxiety, 
should  have  been  able  to  spend  his  last  days  in 
peace ;  for  in  1767  when  he  died,  St.  James  par- 
ish was  reported  to  be  worth  three  hundred 
pounds  per  annum.  This  was  from  all  sources, 
probably,  as  another  estimate  places  the  amount 
at  two  hundred  and  thirteen  pounds,  three  shil- 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  1257 

liii.us,  Avliicli  was  received  from  the  tax.  Other 
parisflies  received  at  this  time,  St.  Jolin's,  Balti- 
more county,  three  hundred  and  sixty-four 
])()iinds  ;  St.  PanVs,  Baltimore  county,  two  hun- 
dred and  eleven  pounds  ;  St.  Anne's,  A.  A.  Co.> 
•  me  hundred  and  ninety-nine  pounds;  Port  To- 
l>acco,  St.  Mary's  county,  two  hundred  and  fifty- 
three  pounds  :  All  Saints,  Calvert  county,  one 
hundred  and  seventy-three  pounds.  Some  par- 
ishes received  even  more.  Mr.  Adams  was  the 
third  rector  avIio  died  during  his  incumbency. 

It  was  while  he  was  in  the  parish  that  the 
Church  was  linally  completed,  being  delivered  up 
by  the  contractor  in  1765,  Dec.  17th.  The  iirst 
intention  had  been  to  provide  only  twenty-six 
pews,  but  this  was  found  to  be  inadequate  and 
so  the  nund^er  was  increased  to  forty.  It  may  be 
consoling  to  some  persons  to  know  that  the  pews 
were  sold,  becoming  the  private  and  exclusive 
property  of  certain  persons  ;  certainly  a  curious 
feature  under  an  establishment.  Aug.  6th,  1765, 
we  have  the  following  entry:  "'Likewise  agreed 
by  this  vestry  that  Mr.  Sam.  Chew  is  to  have  the 
south-east  pew  in  the  church  ajoyning  to  the  aiil- 
ter,  and  the  sd.  Chew  is  to  pay  the  vestry  fifteen 
pounds  current  money  for  the  same.'"  This 
Chew  is  the  same  man  that  about  two  years  after 
this  accepted  a  challenge  from  the  minister  of  the 
parish  and  went  to  the  duelling  ground  to  meet 
him.  He  was  a  vestrynjan.  His  proximity  to 
the  "aulter"  does  not  seem  to  have  taught  him 
self  sacrifice. 

The  new  building  would  seem  to  have  given  a 
deal  of  satisfaction  to  the  vestry,  who  entered 
upon  possession  vvitli  the  determination  to  pre- 


258  CHURCH  LIFE 

serve  everytliing  in  order  and  peace.  Also,  tliey 
.  were  iirmly  resolved  to  protect  private  rights  in 
the  pews  ;  for  Dec.  81st,  176o,  two  weeks  after 
having  received  the  building,  they  passed  this 
resolution  :  ''  This  vestry  agi'eed  that  if  any  per- 
son should  intrude  or  come  into  any  person 
or  persons'  pews  without  being  asked,  such 
person  applying  to  the  church  warden  or  vestrj^- 
men  (they)  are  to  take  such  person  that  may  in- 
trude, (who)  shall  be  put  in  the  stockes,  which 
the  vestry  agrees  that  a  pare  of  stocks  shall  be 
erected  att  the  church  for  that  purpus."  The 
grammar  and  the  spelling  are  worthy  of  the  cause. 
Who  they  were  that  might  be  so  treated  we  are 
not  told,  but  evidently  "respectability"  could 
not  save  them  if  complaint  Avere  entered  by  the 
pew-holder.  It  was  an  eminently  peculiar  way 
of  receiving  a  seeker  after  the  way  of  life  ;  and 
doubtless  it  was  highly  edifying  to  the  favored 
pew-holders  to  see  such  interlopers  dragged  out 
of  the  house  of  God,  and  the  act  of  doing  so  pro- 
moted decorum  and  propriety  within  the  hallowed 
walls.  And  then  their  righteous  souls  were  satis- 
fied, as  passing  by  the  culprit  on  their  return  from 
worship,  they  saw  how  such  presumption  and 
wickedness  found  its  due  reward  at  the  hands  of 
the  officers  of  the  sacred  house.  The  modern 
method  of  accomplishing  the  same  end  of  ejec- 
ting and  punishing  such  "intruders'"  is  different 
and  much  more  graceful,  but  just  as  effective  for 
preventing  the  7uisdemeanor.  It  is  to  walk  uj) 
to  your  pew  door  with  as  much  ostentation  as 
you  can  command,  stand  there,  look  surprised  at 
the  "intruder/'  budge  not  an  inch,  but  frown  on 
him  until  he  has  taken  up  his  hat,  arrested  him- 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  259 

self,  and  carried  himself  out  of  the  "church,'- 
filled  with  anger  at  you  and  contemj)t  for  your 
religion.  That  is  the  modern  Avay,  and  it  is  just 
as  effective  and  a  great  deal  more  refined  than  the 
horrid  stocks.  But  we  do  not  believe  those  old 
men  ever  acted  under  that  resolution.  The  par- 
son was  not  present  when  it  was  passed,  and  only 
a  bare  working  number  of  the  vestry.  It  was 
doubtless  a  dead  letter  from  the  beginning.  For 
poor  and  rich,  "black"  brethren  and  white, 
have  always  l)een  welcomed  within  St.  James' 
sacred  walls. 

The  vestry  felt  no  hesitation  about  calling  for 
money  at  this  time,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
there liad  been  recently  such  a  very  great  outlay  ; 
but  from  year  to  year  a  levy  was  asked  for  and  ob- 
tained for  the  maintenance  and  rex^air  of  the 
church  l)uilding  and  its  surroundings.  This  levy 
varied  according  to  the  needs  of  the  year,  being 
at  one  time  hve  pounds  of  tobacco  per  x>oll  at  an 
other  two,  at  another  three.  The  tobacco  also, 
that  accrued  during  an  interregnum,  went  under 
the  law,  into  the  hands  of  the  vestry,  to  be  used 
for  x^arish  x)'^il>oses,  nor  .as  far  as  we  can  see, 
were  the  vestries  called  on  at  this  time  to  give  an 
account  of  how  such  funds  had  been  laid  out. 
Possibly  the  clergy  absorbed  all  the  public 
attention  that  was  bestowed  ux^on  the  church. 
There  is  scarcely,  however,  room  for  doubt  that 
they  used  their  resources  discreetly,  for  had  they 
not!|  there  was  plenty  of  watchful  eyes  that 
would  have  discerned  the  delinquency.  The 
church  came  in  for  little  or  no  ox^x^robrium 
in  those  insolent  days.  The  clergy  got  it  all, 
surely  a  high   testimony  of  the  church's  firm 


260  CHURCH  LIFE 

position  in  the  general  estimation.  "Were  the 
clergy  only  the  scapegoat  for  the  people's  ill 
will  that  could  not  so  readily  otherwise  be 
expressed?  Did  a  turbulent  minority  attempt 
thus  to  wreak  vengeance  as  the  only  open 
means  to  express  their  animosity  ?  Ilie  sad 
feature  is  that  any  of  the  clergy  were  found  so 
derelict  as  to  give  a  handle  for  such  ill  feeling  to 
take  hold  of. 

The  vestry  spent  liberally  on  the  church  build- 
ing and  all  that  belonged  to  it,  keeping  everything 
in  good  order  and  taking  pride  in  doing  so.  In 
the  year  1768  they  proposed  quite  an  extensive 
outlay  in  painting  the  church,  enclosing  the 
churchyard,  and  building  a  new  vestryhouse. 
The  money  for  this  purpose,  however,  was  to 
come  from  a  new  source,  a  private  agreement 
with  the  Rev.  Walter  Magowan,  who  was  then 
serving  as  a  minister  in  the  parish.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  at  this  time  the  question  of 
ministerial  support  was  agitating  the  colony ; 
one  of  the  features  of  which  was  that  the  vestries 
tried  to  make  private  terms  with  the  clergy  out- 
side of  the  induction  by  the  governor.  Mr. 
Magowan  had  just  come  into  the  parish,  and  the 
vestry  sought  to  make  terms  with  him,  offering 
him  a  given  sum  of  twenty-hve  thousand  pounds 
of  tobacco,  worth  about  one  hundred  and  sixty 
pounds  currency,  together  with  the  parsonage, 
garden  and  outhouses  on  the  glebe.  The  rest  of 
the  proceeds  from  the  poll,  amounting  to  about 
seventeen  thousand  pounds  of  tol^acco,  together 
with  the  proceeds  of  the  two  glebes,  they  iDur- 
posed  using  upon  the  church  property.  Mr. 
Magowan  yielded  for  the  time  to  the  proposition, 


ly  COL  OyiA  L  31  A  R  YLA  KD.  261 

and  entered  upon  liis  work.  His  case  was  i)ecu- 
linr,  and  shows  what  the  clero'y  wonkl  liave  been 
exposed  to  under  the  most  favorable  circnni stan- 
ces Avithout  ;just  sucli  a  law  as  Maryland  had. 
That  Mr.  Mag-owan  should  have  been  in  the  par- 
ish without  induction,  surprises  us,  but  the  rea- 
son doubtless  was  that  there  was  no  Governor 
in  the  colony,  and  that  he  who  acted  in  the  in- 
terval had  no  authority  for  this  office.  Governor 
Sharpe  had  been  recalled  in  Au<i"ust  1768,  and 
Governor  Eden  did  not  enter  upon  his  duties  till 
June,  1769.  AVithin  that  tim-e  therefore  the  ves- 
tries had  license,  and  as  in  this  case,  they  used  it. 
The  vestry  had  the  lienetit  of  this  arrangement, 
however,  only  for  six  months,  for  a  letter  bearing 
the  date  of  June  twenty-hrst  1769  was  presented  hx 
him  in  Auaust  of  that  year,  and  he  assumed  the 
emoluments  as  well  the  authority  of  rector.  The 
vestry  had  in  the  meanwhile  proceeded  with  their 
plans,  tarring  ''the  ruff  of  the  church  with  tarr 
and  read  oaker,"  and  painting  the  'iiead  of  the 
church  three  times  over  with  cloud" d  blew,''  cover- 
ing the  "ruff"  of  their  new  vestry  house  with  "si- 
prus"  shingles,  and  having  new  "spike  headd 
gates"  and  " tarred  posts  and  rales "  about  the 
church  yard,  also  causing  "  Diel  post  to  be  sot 
up.''  Before  presenting  his  letter  let  us  take  up 
events  in  their  order  of  time. 

Rev.  Mr.  Adams  died  October  twentieth,  ]767, 
and  a  few  days  after  we  lind  a  document  Ijearing 
date  of  October  twenty-fourth,  Avhich  is  alto- 
gether different  from  anything  seen  up  to  this 
time.  It  has  a  pious  guise  but  is  a  disguise  for 
conduct  as  unworthy  as  usually  falls  to  the  lot  of 
a  civil  officer  to  conceal.     It  is  also  nrobalilv  dif- 


2(52  CHimCH  LIFE 

I'erent  from  any  letter  ever  penned  by  a  Governor 
of  Maryland. 

MARYLAND  Ss. 

HORATIO  SHARPE,  Esq. 

Lieutenant  governor  and  ordinary  nnder  tlie 
Right  Honorable,  the  Lord  Proprietary  of  this 
province  to  the  Rev.  Bennet  Allen  of  Ann  Arnn- 
del  county  sendeth  greeting  : 

Whereas,  it  hath  been  represented  to  me  that 
by  the  decease  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Alex.  Adams, 
lately  rector  of  St.  Janies'  iDarrish  in  Ann  Arun- 
del county,  the  said  parish  is  become  vacant,  and 
whereas  it  is  very  expedient  that  some  minister  of 
the  church  of  England  should  reside  and  be  im- 
powerecl  to  officiate  and  administer  the  sacrament 
in  the  said  parish  until  another  rector  shall  be 
apx)ointed  and  inducted,  I  do  therefore  by  these 
presents  grant  license  and  faculty  to  you,  the 
said  Bennet  Allen,  to  officiate  as  a  curate  in  the 
said  parish,  called  St.  James'  parish,  and  to 
continue  during  pleasure,  and  during  such  con- 
tinuance to  have,  take  and  receive  from  the 
sheriff"  of  Ann  Arundell  county  the  whole 
amount  of  the  thirty  per  poll  as  may  be  due 
from  the  taxable  inhabitants  in  the  parish 
aforesaid. 

Griven  under  my  hand  and  seal,  ect. 

It  will  be  observed  that  this  is  not  a  letter  of 
induction,  but  only  the  appointment  of  a  curate, 
and  that  not  where  there  is  a  rector,  but  where 
there  was  a  vacancy.  Also  it  is  the  appointment 
of  a  curate  to  serve  until  a  rector  shall  be  ap- 
pointed, and  yet  by  a  contradiction  he  is  to  con- 
tinue curate  during  pleasure,  evidently  the  cur- 
ate's own. 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAXD.  263 

The  history  of  the  whole  matter,  as  brouglit  out 
in  the  letters  of  governor  Sharpe  is  this.  Mr. 
Allen,  thouuh  in  orders,  was  a  most  unworthy 
companion  and  favorite  of  his  dissolnte  lordship, 
Frederiek,  the  proprietary.  In  his  desire  to 
help  his  favorite  without  cost  to  himself  his 
lordship  lirst  laid  his  commands  upon  the  gcjv- 
ernor  to  appoint  him  to  a  parish,  he  to  enjoy  the 
emoluments  of  the  same  while  remaining  in 
England,  a  curate  serving  for  him.  The  governor 
had  the  courage  to  tell  the  proprietary  that  this 
would  not  do,  that  it  would  be  very  ill  advised. 
And  so  Mr.  Allen  had  to  come  over  to  America 
when  he  was  appointed  to  St.  Anne's,  Annapolis. 
But  one  parish  did  not  satisfy  his  needs,  and 
Lord  Baltimore  urged  that  he  1)6  aj^pcinted  to 
two  or  more  :  but  the  Maryland  law  was  against 
that  unless  the  consent  of  both  parishes  could  be 
obtained,  such  having  been  a  i)rovision  made  for 
a  case  where  two  weak  parishes  could  iieither 
sejiarately  support  a  rector. 

This  explains  the  letter.  Governor  Sharpe  was 
anxious  to  please  his  lordship,  but  dare  not 
break  the  law  :  for  the  peox)le  of  Maryland  were 
now  exceedingly  sensitive  against  all  appearance 
of  prerogative.  Mr.  Adams'  death  had  for  S(mie 
time  been  expected,  he  being  a  very  old  man  ; 
and  as  soon  as  it  occurred,  knowledge  of  it  was. 
sent  to  Annapolis,  so  that  Avithin  four  days.  Mr. 
Allen's  papers  were  issued.  St.  .lames"  was  then 
worth  three  hundred  itounds.  But  Gov.  Sharpe 
made  a  mistake  when  he  thought  that  l\v  vary- 
ing the  title  he  might  evade  the  law,  and  Mr. 
Allen  made  a  mistake  wh-^n  he  supposed  the 
people  of  St.   James'   would    be   satistied   if   he 


264  CHURCH  LIFE 

appointed  a  curate  wliile  lie  enjoyed  a  part  of  the 
revenue.  Hi.s  curate  Avas  the  Kev.  Mr.  Edmiston, 
afterwards  of  St.  Anne's,  who  seems  to  have 
been  a  wortliy  ruan  if  Mr.  Eddis'  notice  refers  to 
liim.  This  scheiuing  on  the  part  of  tlie  governor 
finally  brought  him  and  liis  protege  into  trouble. 
For  the  people  of  St.  James'  objected,  and  the 
j)eople  of  St  Anne's  objected,  and  as  Mr.  Allen's 
temper  appears  to  have  been  belligerant,  the 
tumult  waxed  warm.  He  went,  in  tlie  former 
X^arish,  to  see  one  of  his  vestrymen,  ])ut  the  end 
of  the  pastoral  call  was  that  he  Avas  turned  out 
of  the  house,  and  with  so  much  emphasis  that  he 
felt  bound  in  ''honor"  to  challenge  his  parish- 
ioner to  a  duel.  The  challenge  Avas  accepted, 
but  of  the  two,  the  one  not  on  the  ground  AA^as 
Mr.  Allen.  In  Annapolis  the  fend  AA'-as  as  bitter, 
only  it  Avas  not  settled  for  some  years,  Avhen, 
both  Mr.  Allen  and  Mr.  Walter  Duianey  having 
gone  to  England,  the  latter  because  of  his  tory 
principles,  the  tAvo  met  on  the  duelling  ground 
and  Ml'.  Duianey  Avas  killed. 

Mr.  Allen's  difficulties  in  St.  James'  did  not, 
liOAveA'er,  make  him  withdraAV  ;  rather  he  sought 
to  avoid  the  trouble  by  resigning  St.  Anne's  and 
becoming  rector  of  St.  James.  G-overnor  Sharpe 
granted  this  also,  but  there  is  no  evidence  of  his 
liaving  presented  his  letter  of  appointment  to 
the  parish.  Most  probably  lie  did  not,  because 
on  May  27,  176S,  Ave  find  him  inducted  in  All 
Saints'.  Frederick  county,  the  riclu-st  living  in 
the  colony,  l)eing  reckoned  at  live  hundred 
l^ounds.  It  is  most  likely  that  l^efore  he  pre- 
sented his  letter  to  the  vestry  of  St.  James'  the 
opj)ortunity   Avas   afforded    of   getting   into   All 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  2(i5 

Saints',  and  liuno-ry  for  income  onh%  governor 
Sliar])e  pleased  him  by  giving  him  the  best  the 
province  afforded,  Bnt  there  nc^w  could  be  no 
peace  for  him  in  any  Maryland  X)arisli.  His 
reputation  had  gone  before  him  to  his  new  cure, 
and  the  antagonism  was  so  intense,  and  the  con- 
fusion caused  by  his  appeai'ing  so  extreme,  that 
he  was  prevented  from  reading  service.  The  old 
Maryland  men  were  verj'  rough,  as  they  were 
also  very  ready,  and  they  were  just  as  resolved 
not  to  have  the  welfare  of  their  souls  bartered 
away  by  the  governor's  ambition  or  the  lord 
proprietary's  dejiravit}^  as  they  were  to  have 
their  property  seized  l)y  royal  or  proprietary 
presumption. 

Governor  Sharpens  conduct  in  this  will  l)e  a 
deep  blot  always  upon  his  reputation  in  Mary- 
land history.  He  may  have  been  amiable  and  gen- 
erous, as  doubtless  he  was,  but  he  was  either 
cowardly  or  ambitious,  at  the  same  time,  and  he 
betrayed  the  very  highest  of  the  prerogatives  of 
his  ]^()sition  for  his  [)resent  security  B^t  Ne- 
mesis had  her  dwelling  place  in  iiis  own  actions  ; 
for  when  he  had  tried  in  vain  to  satisfy  the 
favorite's  desires  by  ])etraying  the  spiritual  wel- 
fare of  the  peo[ile  intu  his  keeping,  he  hnally 
appointed  him  agent  in  charge  of  his  hu'd.ship's 
pecuniary  affairs.  But  that  Lord  Baltimore  did 
not  relish.  Mr.  Allen  might  be  good  enough  for 
the  cure  of  souls,  but  he  was  not  good  enough  for 
handling  the  revenue,  and  the  governor  found 
too  late  that  in  exalting  the  favorite  he  was  ruin- 
ing himself.     He  was  recalled  in  August,  1768. 

We  have  seen  the  circumstances  attending  the 
introduction    of    Mr.    Magowan   to   the   parish. 


266  CHUECH  LIFE 

They  were  very  irregular,  but  reg'ulfirity  was 
restored  by  liis  letter  from  governor  Eden,  June 
21,  1769.  The  letter  itself,  however,  marks  an 
era  in  Maryland  church  life.  For  it  runs  as  no 
other  letter  w]}  to  this  time  had  run,  in  this  form. 

Maryland  ss. 

Frederick  absolute  lord  and  proprietary  of  the 
province  of  Maryland  and  Avalon,  Lord  Baron 
of  Baltimore,  &c. 

To  the  Rev.  Mr.  Walter  Ma- 
gowan  sendeth  greeting  : 

We  do  hereby  constitute  and  ai)point  you,  the 
said  Walter  Magowan  to  ll)e  rector  of  the  church 
of  St.  James'  in  Ann  Arundell  county,  to  have, 
hold,  and  enjoy  the  said  church,  together  with 
all  the  rights,  prolits  and  advantages  whatsoever 
appertaining  to  a  minister  of  the  said  parish,  and 
we  do  hereby  require  the  church  wardens, 
vestrymen  and  all  other  parishioners  of  the  said 
jiarrish,  to  receive,  acknowledge  and  assist  you, 
the  said  Walter  Magowan  in  all  matters  relating 
to  the  discharge  of  your  functions.  AVitness  our 
trusty  and  well  beloved  Robert  Eden,  Esq.,  gov- 
ernor and  commander-in-chief  in  and  over  the 
said  province,  this  twenty-first  day  of  June,  in 
the  nineteenth  year  of  our  dominion.  Anno 
Domini  1769. 

Signed  by  order, 

W.  Scott,  CI.  Con. 

Robert  Eden. 

The  Jirst  thing  notable  in  this  is  the  man  who 
takes  this  iiroud  title  and  office  to  himself  For, 
the  last  of  the  Baltimores,  he  was  the  most  un- 
worthy that  had  ever  succeeded  to  the  name.  His 
moral  life  was  l>ad,  he  is  described  as  one  of  the 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  2(17 

most  licentious  of  liis  time.  Only  in  the  year 
17G8  lie  liad  l)een  tried  for  his  life,  being  accused 
of  a  most  infamous  assault  upcm  a  female,  and 
thouiili  acquitted,  he  was  believed  generally  to 
have  been  guilty.  His  son'  and  the  inheritor  of 
the  province,  was  the  fruit  of  his  licentiousness. 
But  not  only  was  he  vicious  ;  he  was  also  a  most 
conceited  fool,  beM^ailing  tlie  fact  that  God  had 
given  him  so  much  genius  and  so  little  l)odily 
vigor.  His  conceit  took  the  form  of  considering 
himself  learned,  and  he  was  fond  of  displaying 
his  talents  ia  publication.  In  1767  he  published 
a  book  with  the  title:  *'A  Tour  to  the  East  in 
the  Years  1763  and  1764 ;  with  Remarks  on  the 
City  of  Constantinox^le  and  the  Turks ;  also 
Select  Pieces  of  Oriential  AVit,  Poetry  and  Wis-, 
dom,"  which  was  described  at  the  time  as  "no 
more  deserving  to  be  pul)lislied  than  his  bills  on 
the  road  for  post-horses.''  He  was  immensely 
wealthy,  having  an  income  of  thirty  thousand 
pounds.  He  died  in  1771.  This  is  the  man  that 
styles  himself  Frederick,  absolute  lord,  and 
thinks  it  meet  for  him  to  disx)ose  of,  in  a  princely 
way,  the  livings  of  Maryland  and  the  cure  of 
souls,  livings  which  neither  he  nor  his  ancestors 
had  done  anything  to  create,  and  whose  support 
had  never  involved  him  to  the  amount  of  a  jienny. 
He  is  the  same  who  expressed  his  pleasure  that 
the  clergy  of  Maryland  should  not  assemble 
together  for  any  purpose.  He  is  the  one  also 
who  inspired  his  trusty  lieutenant,  governor 
Eden,  t.;  assume  a  cold  and  repulsive  manner 
toward  the  clergy  when  they  came  to  petition 
him  concerning  the  episcopate  for  the  colonies. 
But  it  is  not  only  the  man;  it  is  the  office  also 


268  CHCBCH  LIFE 

that  lie  assumes  to  himself,  which  is  the  bestowal 
of  parishes  in  his  own  name  which  had  formerly 
been  done  by  his  governors.  The  act  of  estali- 
lishment,  passed  while  Maryland  was  a  royal 
colony,  l^estowed  that  faculty  upon  the  governor; 
but  Lord  Baltimore  could  justify  liis  pre- 
tensions in  the  matter,  not  only  by  the  fact  that 
the  governor  in  the  colony  was  only  his  agent, 
but  also  by  his  charter  rights  which  were  restor- 
ed to  him  in  full  when  the  family  became 
Protestant.  As  we  have  seen  this  question  had 
l^een  a  leading  one  within  the  last  yenr  or  two  ; 
and  it  was  probably  to  vindicate  his  rights  now 
that  the  form  of  the  letter  of  induction  was 
changed.  Nevertheless,  as  far  as  it  indicated  a 
change  in  the  administration  of  church  affairs  it 
was  a  great  nusfortune.  Yov  if  the  governor 
present,  with  the  whole  weight  of  i^ublic  opinion 
about  him,  and  with,  at  any  rate,  a  knowledge 
of  the  clergy  already  in  the  j^rovince,  could  com- 
mit blunders,  or  would  settle  improper  persons 
over  parishes,  how  much  greater  the  danger  and 
how  much  more  hopeless  the  attempt  at  discipline, 
if  he  were  deprived  of  all  authority  and  respon- 
silulity,  aud  made  only  the  witness  of  what  liis 
lordship,  resident  in  England,  Italy  or  Constanti- 
nople, might  do ;  for  his  lordship  was  fond  of 
travelling.  And  that  this  authority  in  his  hands 
meant  more  than  a  mere  form,  we  have  seen  in 
Mr.  Allen's  case.  All  that  was  necessary  was 
for  him  to  be  aware  that  a  parish  was  vacant,  and 
any  companion  of  his  revels  could  secure  a  pre- 
sentation from  him,  and  he  need  never  hear  of 
the  protests  and  iudignaticm  of  Maryland 
citizens.      Truly  the  church  was  Teaching  that 


ly  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  -im 

last  stat-e  when  deliverance  had  to  come.  Ameri- 
can citizensliip  was  too  mant'nl  to  endure 
sucli  pnpilaue  much  hmger. 

If  Mr.  Magowan  entered  upon  his  duties  as 
rt-ctor  in  times  of  great  disturbance,  he  certainly 
did  not  find  them  to  become  less  so  through 
the  whole  period  of  his  rectorsliip  which  lasted 
till  1784.  Xor  w^as  it  only  the  agitation  of  the 
times ;  it  Avas  prevalent  largely  in  his  own 
]»arish  ;  for  some  of  the  most  outsi^oken,  and  we 
must  also  say  violent  men  of  the  daj',  were  found 
Avithin  the  limits  of  St.  James'.  And  yet,  blessed 
restimon}^,  the  church  records  bear  no  evidence 
of  such  a  condition.  Cliurch  life  moved  on 
slowly,  church  duties  Avere  done  faithfully;  and 
>ave  that  we  find  the  vestry's  functions  to  cease 
abruptly  in  177(3,  and  again  later  its  alfairs  to  be 
administered  by  a  good  many  men  with  a  military 
title,  we  would  not  have  known  from  them  that 
there  had  been  any  warlike  commotion  in  the 
land.  Mr.  Magowan  was  one  of  those  who  took 
the  oath  of  lidelity  and  so  he  was  not  disturbed 
during  the  war.  Thus  St.  James'  was  blessed 
above  many  of  the  cures  of  the  new^  state. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  the  dis- 
establishment of  the  church  in  consequence,  was 
of  course  immediately  felt  by  Mr.  Magowan,  as 
by  all  the  other  rectors  in  Maryland  ;  for  the  vol- 
untary contril)uti(msof  the  people  were  not  equal 
to  those  formerly  enforced  for  the  support  of  re- 
ligion. And  soon  the  people  became  unable  to 
do  what  they  might  desire.  In  consequence  of 
this  Mr.  Magowan  took  charge  of  All  Saints',  Cal- 
vert, in  conjunction  with  St.  Jame's,  and  judging 
from    the    large    number   of    marriages  he   was 


270  CHURCH  LIFE 

called  on  to  perform  he  was  the  only  minister 
available  within  a  hirge  circuit.  The  nnniber  in 
17S1  was  fourty-fonr.  These  afforded  him  some 
revenue,  and  with  the  two  glebes  he  was  at  anj^ 
rate  safe  from  starvation.  He  thought  so  appa- 
rently himself,  for  in  1780  he  married,  the  lady 
being  Elizabeth  Harrison,  and  the  officiating  min- 
ister, Mr.  Hanna,  from  north  of  the  Severn.  He 
was  the  fourth  minister  who  linished  his  earthly 
labors  while  in  the  parish. 

But  however  much  the  affairs  of  the  province 
and  of  the  church  might  be  disturbed  prerious  to 
1776,  the  vestry  did  not  fail  to  attend  to  their  du- 
ties. They  held  their  meetings,  required  the 
j)resence  of  each  other  even  to  the  x)oint  of  lay- 
ing a  tine  upon  absentees  of  ten  shillings  cur- 
rency "besides  what  is  directed  by  law.''  The 
current  needs  also  were  jealously  looked  into 
among  which  wetind  the  unusual  item  thatMr.  Ma- 
gowan  was  paid  four  pounds  for  keeping  the  sur- 
l)lice  and  plate  two  years,  a  x^ayment  you  hardly 
know  how  to  appreciate.  He  was  i^aid  for  the 
same  again  the  next  year,  showing  it  was  no  acci- 
dent. Upon  its  face  it  would  appear  that  there 
was  great  anxiety  on  the  j)arson's  part  to  secure 
all  the  revenue  possible  for  however  slight  a  ser- 
vice, and  that  the  church  was  an  employer  to 
serve  rather  than  a  cure  of  souls  to  foster.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  probably  the  most  vio- 
lent and  long  continued  struggle  the  church  had 
ever  had  with  the  colony  about  clerical  salaries, 
was  now  raging.  The  consequence  was  of  neces- 
sity jealousy  on  the  j^art  of  the  parsons,  and  a 
willingness  to  obtain  for  themselves  all  the  reve- 
nue possible.    That  they  were  sometimes  betrayed 


IN  COL  ONI  A  L  MA  R  TLA  ND.  271 

into  littleness  was  only  to  he  expected.  The  ves- 
try also  at  this  time  had  abundant  means,  nearly 
sixteen  thousand  pounds  of  tobacco  being  in  the 
hands  of  one  man,  bought  at  the  high  price  of 
twenty-seven  shillings  and  six  pence  per  hun- 
dred. It  had  also  the  attendant  difficvdties  nec- 
essarialy  resulting  from  such  business,  with 
threats  to  sue  for  recovery. 

The  church  ceased  to  exist  as  an  establishment 
November  3d,  1776,  by  the  passage  of  the  Decla- 
ration of  Rights.  Two  days  afterwards  the  ves- 
try came  together  and  in  a  most  business  like 
way  proceeded  to  settle  uj)  its  affairs,  paying  off 
all  outstanding  obligations.  The  change  had  evi- 
dently been  looked  forward  to  and  provided  for. 
It  was  known  to  have  become  necessary.  The 
revolution  that  was  taking  place  was  by  the  peo- 
ple in  their  freedom  and  sovereignty,  and  of  ne- 
cessity everything  that  had  its  rise  or  existence 
in  partial  views  of  right  and  liberty  had  to  be 
done  away.  Property  as  well  as  life  was  sacred. 
This  was  the  foundation  of  the  American  S3\stem 
as  now  developing,  and  so  a  state  church,  which 
could  only  be  the  fruit  of  partial  legislation,  had 
to  cease.  This  was  felt  all  over  America.  It  was 
particularly  felt  in  Maryland  where  some  of  the 
sturdiest  blows  against  prerogative  had  within 
the  few  last  years  been  given  by  a  representative 
of  the  great  disfranchised  class,  the  Roman 
Catholics,  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton  being  the 
man.  The  vestry  had  felt  and  known  this,  and 
so  as  soon  as  a  messenger  could  repeat  to  them 
the  action  of  the  convention  they  were  ready  as 
a  corporation  to  adjust  their  record  and  cease  to 
be.     Their  last  act  was  to  give  an  order  to  the 


273  CHURCH  LIFE 

rector  on  the  sheriff  for  the  amount  of  the  assess- 
ment by  him  collected. 

But  tliough  they  took  things  so  philosophically, 
yet  doubtless  all  those  who  loved  the  church 
must  have  been  filled  with  forebodings ;  for  not  only 
was  a  great  change  wa-ought  in  going  from  an 
enforced  to  a  voluntary  system  for  support, 
which  is  alwaj^s  doubtful,  but  this  was  done 
when  the  air  was  tilled  with  the  sound  of  Avar, 
and  when  the  certain  prostration  of  commerce 
was  to  bring  to  every  i^lantation  in  Maryland 
narrow  means  if  not  hnancial  distress.  The 
number  of  ix^AI^  in  1772  was  fourteen  hundred 
and  sixty-five,  about  three  times  what  it  had 
been  in  1700,  and  the  revenue  from  this  and  the 
glebes  had  been  abundant,  x3robably  more  than  it 
has  ever  been  since.  This  abundant  provision 
had  now  to  be  relinquished,  and  what  was  to  be 
the  result  no  one  knew.  And  let  us  not  imagine 
it  was  the  parson  only  who  had  apprehensions. 
The  old  parish  had  long  since  become  the  admi- 
ration and  love  of  the  people.  The  church  was 
the  church  of  their  fathers  and  blessed  associa- 
tions had  long  since  clung  around  it,  as  they 
have  continued  to  this  day.  Besides,  what 
would  become  of  their  souls'  interests  if  the 
doors  of  the  sanctuary  should  be  closed ''.  The 
word  and  sacraments,  how  could  they  do  with- 
out them  ?  These  thoughts,  doubtless,  troubled 
them,  but  nevertheless  they  had  to  descend  into 
the  darkness.  But  blessed  above  many  in  the 
land,  the  doors  never  were  closed,  God's  minister 
never  was  silent,  and  after  a  brief  interval  we 
find  the  corporation  showing  life  again  and 
gathering  its  resources  for  the  perpetuation 
of  the  church's  work. 


jy  COLONIAL  MARYLANB.  273 


CHAPTER   XYIII. 

1776—1792. 

Upon  lier  disestablisliment  the  clinrcli  in  Mary- 
land found  lierself  in  the  midst  of  Avholly 
unpropitious  circnmstances.  To  brave  those 
circumstances  and  to  rise  triumphant  above 
them,  was  now  her  duty,  and  she  was  not  found 
incapable.  At  first  she  was  content  simply  to 
exist,  her  existence  and  her  rights  preserved. 
Energy  it  was  hardly  possible  for  her  to  show 
when  the  public  mind  was  so  engrossed  in  the 
great  war  and  all  resources  were  reduced  to  the 
lowest  jwiut.  For  the  agriculturists  of  Maryland, 
who  were  the  great  body  of  her  i^eople,  suffered 
probably  more  than  most  of  the  other  colonies, 
seeing  that  tobacco,  Maryland's  great  staple, 
was  cut  off  from  a  market,  and  the  people  had 
to  change  their  whole  style  of  husbandry.  Most 
of  the  churches  were  kept  open,  though  with  the 
small  salaries  and  the  reduced  number  of  active 
ministers,  a  clergyman  often  had  to  serve  several 
parishes.  Some  of  the  churches  w^ere  not  kept 
open,  but  owing  to  local  circumstances,  the  care- 
lessness or  the  poverty  of  the  people,  were 
allowed  to  go  to  ruin,  to  be  trespassed  upon  and 
torn  to  j)ieces  either  by  the  wanton  wickedness 


374  CHURCH  LIFE 

or  tlie  sacriligious  spirit  of  the  community. 
Where  such  was  the  sad  misfortune  of  the 
church  it  required  many  years  to  repair  the  evil 
and  open  the  sacred  house  again  for  prayer  and 
praise.  In  almost  all  instances,  however,  if  not 
in  all,  this  has  been  done  ;  for  there  are  but  few 
old  ruins  in  Maryland  to  mark  spots  from  which 
the  church  has  had  to  recede.  The  church  in 
Maryland  had  for  too  many  years  been  part  of 
the  social  fabric  to  alloAv  it  an  easy  death,  and 
when  times  l)rio:htened  men  began  to  look  up  and 
God  answered  their  prayers  ;  and  old  dismantled 
and  desecrated  buildings  were  consecrated  anew. 
As  early  as  April,  1778,  within  eighteen 
numths  of  the  passage  of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  we 
find  the  people  in  St.  James'  i:»arisli  coming 
together,  in  "a  meeting  of  freemen"  to  choose 
perscms  toactas  vestrjnnen,  and  in  all  probability 
the  records  of  other  parishes  worJd  show  the 
same  ;  for  where  the  church  was  kept  open  dur- 
ing the  war  it  would  soon  be  found  essential  to 
have  some  persons  to  attend  to  its  affairs  and  to 
be  custodians  of  its  property.  They  do  not  seem 
to  have  been  acting  under  any  law,  but  rather  of 
their  own  will.  Nor  was  any  time  appointed  dur- 
ing which  those  elected  were  to  serve.  They  also 
immediately  went  to  work  to  secure  funds  for 
the  necessary  expenses  of  the  church,  and  judg- 
ing from  the  list  returned  Nov.  15th,  1779,  their 
efforts  met  with  a  Avilling  response  from  the  x~>eo- 
ple,  for  at  that  time  sixty-eight  persons  were 
represented  as  suliscribing  different  sums.  In  1781 
however,  the  number  of  subscribers  was  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty-five,  showing  a  very  general  dispo- 
sition to  sustain  the  church.     The  net  they  cast 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  275 

was  pretty  large,  to  catch  all  manner  of  fish,  none 
being  allowed  to  escape  by  reason  of  its  size  ;  for 
tlie  heading  to  the  list  in  1779  reads:  AVhereas 
no  act  has  hitherto  been  made  for  the  snpport  of 
the  clergj'  of  the  church  of  England  by  the  legis- 
lature of  this  state,  we  the  subscribers  do  there- 
fore bind  and  oblige  ourselves,  our  heirs,  execu- 
tors, or  administrators,  to  pay  unto  the  vestry  of 
the  aforesaid  parish  (St.  James)  ov  their  order, 
the  sum  of  mone3^  or  quantity  of  tobacco,  wheat, 
corn,  r^'e,  oats,  peas  or  beans  annexed  to  our  res- 
pective names,  on  or  before  the  first  day  of  Dec. 
1780,  to  be  applied  by  said  vestry  towards  em- 
ploying a  clergyman  to  officiate  in  said  parish  for 
one  year  from  the  date  hereof,  and  to  defray 
other  necessary  expenses  of  said  parish."  No- 
body, however,  seems  to  have  contributed  any- 
thing except  money  and  tobacco,  of  which  there 
evidentlj^  there  was  still  much  raised.  Among 
the  vestrymen  chosen  in  1778,  was  the  Rev.  Wal- 
ter Magowan.  his  holding  of  the  parish  for  the 
last  eighteen  months  being  apparently  by  conmion 
consent.  The  spirit  of  the  old  institution  was 
also  evidently  still  hanging  al)out  them,  for  the 
act  of  1779,  entitled  an  act  for  the  establishment 
of  select  vestries,  did  not  admit  the  rector  of  the 
parish  into  this  body.  This  act  was  passed  in 
the  March  session  of  this  year,  and  was  as  liberal 
towards  the  church  as  it  could  well  be  ,  for  the 
church  itself  had  by  no  means  been  educated  up 
to  the  expectation  or  desire  of  liberal  things  such 
as  are  now  looked  upon  as  essential  in  her  rela- 
tions with  the  state.  The  preamble  to  the  act  was  a 
follows:  "Whereas  it  is  tlumght  expedient  and 
necessary  that  select  vestries  be  chosen  in  every 


276  CHURCH  LIFE 

parish  witliin  tlie  state  for  the  preservation  of 
the  churches  and  for  the  taking  care  of  glebe 
lands  and  other  purposes  tending  to  the  happi- 
ness and  welfare  of  the  state."  And  according 
to  the  first  section  the  number  of  the  vestrymen 
was  to  be  seven,  to  be  elected  by  persons*^  con- 
tributing to  the  support  of  the  parish,  and  who 
were  qualified  to  vote  for  members  of  the  assem- 
bly. The  members  elect,  also,  were  to  take  the 
following  oath  in  addition  to  that  of  faithfulness 
in  their  office :  I.  A.  B.  do  swear  that  I  do  not 
hold  myself  bound  to  yield  any  allegiance  or 
obedience  to  the  King  of  Gfreat  Britain,  his  heirs 
or  successors,  and  that  I  will  l)e  true  and  faith- 
ful to  the  state  of  Maryland,  and  will,  to  the 
utmost  of  my  x^ower,  support,  maintain,  and 
defend  the  freedom  and  indej^endence  thereof, 
and  the  government  as  it  is  now  established, 
against  all  open  enemies  and  secret  traitorous 
conspiracies,  attempts  or  combinations  against 
this  state  or  the  government  thereof  which  may 
come  to  my  knowledge:  So  help  me  God." 
Such  an  oath  was  afterwards  continued  under 
the  vestry  act  of  1798,  only  it  was  so  modified 
as  to  read  :  "  I  do  swear  that  I  do  not  hold  my- 
self bound  in  allegiance  to  the  King  of  Great 
Britain,  and  that  I  will  l)e  faithful  and  bear  true 
allegiance  to  the  state  of  Maryland."  This 
oath  continued  to  be  administered  to  vestrymen 
for  more  than  fifty  years  after  the  declaration  of 
American  independence. 

Among  the  other  features  of  the  law  of  1779 
was  one  requiring,  as  under  the  old  system,  a 
table  of  marriages  to  be  set  up  in  the  churches; 
and  to  ensure  care  and  attention  on  the  part  of 


IN  COL  ONI  A  L  MA  R  VIA  ND.  277 

the  people  to  their  church  duties,  tlie  vestry  was 
required  to  meet  monthly,   lines  being  imposed 
for  absence.     Also  if  any  person,   a  member  of 
the    church,    and    possessing   the   qualilications 
named   for   a    vestryman,    should    refuse,    upon 
election  to  serve,  unless  he  had  sufficient  excuse 
to  allege,  he  was  lined   twenty  pounds  currency, 
and   half   that   amount   was  imposed  upon  any 
warden   who   in   like   circumstances,  refused   to 
bear  the  burdens  of  office.     And  this  is  still  the 
law  in  Maryland  by  the  twenty-sixth  article  of 
the  vestry  act  ;  only  the  lines  are  ten  and  twenty 
dollars  instead  of  ten  and  twenty  pounds.     Such 
tines  also  are  recoverable  before  any  justice  of  the 
X)eace.     That  any  attempt  should  be  made  now 
to  collect  such  fines  no  one  imagines,  for  it  would 
be  recognized  not  only  as  an  act  of  extrenje  folly, 
but  also  as  violating  that  principle  of  free-will 
offering   to   Clod   for   his   church's    sake    which 
everybody  now  recognizes  as  the  true  root  of  the 
church's  prosperity.     And  the  sentiment  is  that 
anyone  that  could  only  thus  be  constrained  to  be 
a  vestryman,  would  only  l)e  a  hindrance  and  a 
curse  within  that  body.     The  llavor  of  old  things 
still  pervaded  the  church's  new  relations  ;  neither 
the  church  nor  the  state  could  understand  how 
true  and  entire  their  separation  had  been.     All 
through  this  period  the  consciousness  was  ex- 
pressed, not  only  that  the  church  was  dependent 
upon  the  state  for  protection  in  temporal  things,  but 
that  it  was  for  the  highest  profit  of  the  state  that  in 
every  legitimate  way  religion  should  be  fostered. 
It  was  a  mutual  partnershi])  for  mutual  support. 
Since  that  day  both  church  and  state  have  enter- 
ed upon  larger  ideas.     The  oath  of  faithfulness 


278  CHURCH  LIFE 

to  the  state  of  Maryland  has  been  lost  in  the 
grander  idea  of  fealty  to  the  general  government, 
and  the  church  in  Maryland,  while  preserving 
her  diocesan  autonomy  in  many  things,  is  a  part 
of  the  church  of  America  with  a  community  of 
interests  embracing  the  whole  land. 

The  act  for  the  establishment  of  select  vestries 
shows   the   kindest  feeling   on   the  part  of  the 
state     authorities     towards     the     church,     and 
along  with  the  recognition  of  the  princii)les  of 
the  declaration  of  rights,   the  utmost  desire  to 
promote  her  welfare.     And  well  might  it  be  so, 
for  at  that  time  almost  all  the  intelligence  and 
inlluence  of  the  state  were  found  in  the  body 
called  the   church   of   England.     For   the  great 
inroads,    chiefly     l)y     Methodism,     upon     the 
church  had  hardly  then  begun,  and  every^^•here 
care  and  afl'ection  were  felt  for  the  only  known 
mother  that  had  nourished  the  people,  preaching 
the  word,  administering  the  bread  of  life,  nnnis- 
tering  in  the  hours  both  of  joy  and  sorrow  in  the 
homes.     When  the  inroads  were  made  they  were 
successful  chiefly  among  the  x>oor,   but  at  this 
time  they  also  were  loyal.     The  great  sul)scrip- 
tion  list  of   1781,  when  one  hundred  and  flfty-flve 
persons  combined  in  the  one  parish  given  to  support 
the  ministry,  very  many  of  them  poor  and  of  the 
humblest  walks  of  lifo,  as  shown  by  their  gifts 
as  well  as  by  their  names,   is  an   instance   and 
proof  of  this.     Well,  therefore,  might  the  feeling 
of  the  legislature  be  kind,  for  it  represented  only 
the  common  feeling. 

Under  this  act  the  vestries  were  immediately 
reorganized,  save  where  both  spiritual  and  pecu- 
niary destitution  abounded.     It  gave  the  church 


AV  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  279 

a  position  again,  and  set  the  machinery  in  motion. 
Seven  vestrymen  were  called  for  and  two  church 
wardens ;  but  care  was  taken  to  exclude  the 
rector  from  a  seat,  probably  owing  to  the  old 
jealousies  of  the  parson  on  occount  of  his  former 
impregnable  position.  Care  was  now"  taken  and 
preserved  througli  many  years,  that  he  should 
not  be  able  to  defy  the  will  of  the  people  and 
stay  on.  This  was  accomx)lished  by  making  him 
only  an  employe,  wdiich  was  attained  by  exclud- 
ing him  from  the  vestry  whose  acts  w^ould  thus 
lie  indej^endent  of  him,  by  retaining  the  purse 
strings  in  their  own  hands,  and  by  making  agree- 
ments only  for  short  terms.  This  exclusion  of 
the  minister  continued  till  1790.  when  by  the 
action  of  a  church  convention,  held  in  Easton,  it 
was  recommended  that  "  the  minister  and  church 
wardens  l)e  joined  with  the  vestry  in  transacting 
church  business  which  may  come  before  them.'"' 
The  interposition  of  the  minister  had  been  found 
so  far  necessary,  and  he  had  ceased  to  be  the 
mere  hireling  for  certain  purposes.  He  was  part 
of  the  institution.  An  extract  fnmi  the  records 
of  one  parish,  St.  James',  under  this  date  is 
interesting.  The  minister  entering  the  vestry, 
had  laid  before  it  the  constitution  and  canons 
both  of  the  general  convention  and  also  of  the 
church  in  Maryland  for  consideration,  of  which 
the  vestry  expressed  its  hearty  ai)i)rova],  save  of 
one  feature,  that  the  diocesan  constitution  re- 
strained the  convention  from  choosing  more  than 
one  bisho]'.  This  the  vestry  regarded  as  a  mis- 
take, thinking  that  one  could  not  serve  the  whole 
state.  But  the  trouble  was  that  the  convention 
only   i)urposed    to    bestow    jurisdiction    on    its 


280  CHURCH  LIFE 

bishops,  and  for  his  daily  bread  he  was  to  pro- 
vide as  he  could,  hj  his  private  fortune  or  by 
his  salary  as  a  parish  minister.  Therefore  they  : 
could  have  Avhat  opinions  they  might  choose. 
The  support  of  twenty  bishops  would  be  no  more 
than  the  support  of  one,  for  that  was  nothing. 
Opinions,  therefore,  were  cheap.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  in  1814  Maryland  did  elect  a 
siTffragan  bishop. 

AVe  have  seen  that  the  declaration  of  rights  of 
1776,  recognized  the  principle  that  the  citizens 
of  the  commonwealth  might  be  taxed  for  the 
support  of  religion.  In  the  year  1780,  in  the 
hour  of  her  distress,  the  church  remembered 
this  and  sought  to  have  her  needs  provided  for 
by  a  law  framed  u]K)n  that  in'incij)le.  This  was 
at  a  meeting  of  the  clergy  and  laity  held  in 
Chestertown  when  the  form  of  a  petition  was 
drawn  up  to  be  sent  around  to  the  various 
23arishes  of  the  state,  that  being  thus  numerously 
signed  it  might  have  the  needed  weight.  The 
form  of  the  petition  was  "That  an  act  may  be 
passed  agreeably  to  the  aforesaid  declaration  of 
rights,  for  the  support  of  public  religion  b}^  an 
equal  assessment  and  laws,  and  also  to  enable 
the  vestry  and  church  wardens  of  this  j^arish  by 
rates  on  the  pews  from  time  to  time,  or  other- 
wise, as  your  wisdom  shall  think  fit,  to  repair 
and  uphold  the  church  and  chapel  and  the 
church  yard  and  Imi-ying  ground  of  the  same." 
Surely  a  striking  instance  of  the  acceptance  of  a 
false  position,  a  church  born  to  new  and  nobler 
relations,  but  still  in  swaddling  bands:  for  the 
church  proi)osed  to  leave  it  to  the  "wisdom"  of 
the  legislators,    who   were  of   all  creeds  as  well 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  281 

as  of  none,  to  say  what  system,  if  any,  she 
should  pursue  in  raising  funds  from  her  children 
for  her  support.  From  the  circumstances  of  the 
times,  when  the  time,  attention  and  resources  of 
the  people  were  absorbed  by  the  war,  this  effort 
was  perceived  to  be  hopeless,  and  so  was  not 
prosecuted.  Also  it  may  have  begun  to  dawn 
upon  the  minds  of  its  favorers  as  an  incongruity 
that  one  ''society"  as  even  church  people  called 
the  church  at  the  time,  should  appeal  for  a  tax 
upon  christians  of  every  name,  and  also  it  may 
have  begun  to  be  perceived  that  a  tax  at  all  for 
religion  under  the  new  order  of  affairs  and  the 
broad  liberty  of  the  new  commonwealth,  was  out 
of  place.  The  ground  of  appeal,  however,  was 
not  only  the  maintenance  of  religion  ;  though 
church  rejiresentatives  could  never  ignore  that 
chief  consideration :  but  in  their  petition  the 
vestries  dwelt  strongly  ui)on  the  fact,  "That 
where  religion  is  left  to  mourn  and  droop  her 
head,  while  her  sacred  ordinances  are  unsup- 
l^orted,  and  vice  and  immorality  gain  ground, 
even  war  itself  will  be  but  feebly  carried  on, 
patriotism  Avill  lose  its  animating  principle, 
corruption  will  win  its  way  from  the  lowest  to 
the  liighest  places,  distress  will  soon  pervade 
every  public  measure,  our  graveyards,  the  monu- 
ments of  the  piety  of  our  ancestors,  running  to 
ruin,  will  beccmie  the  reproach  of  their  posterity. 
Nay,  more,  the  great  and  glorious  fabric  of 
public  happiness,  which  we  are  striving  to  l)uild 
up  and  cement  with  nn  immeusity  of  blood  and 
treasure,  might  be  in  dange]-  of  tumbling  into  the 
dust  as  wanting  the  stronger  cement  of  virtue 
and  religion,  or  perhaps  Avould  fall  an  easy  prey 


283  CHURCH  LIFE 

to  some  haughty  invader."  To  avert  such 
terrible  consequences  churchmen  were  asked 
to  petiticm  the  legislature  for  the  tax,  and 
from  various  parts  of  the  state  petitions 
were  sent  up.  And,  doubtless,  religion 
was  depressed,  and  immorality  in  a  degree  did 
tiourish  in  consequence ;  but,  fortunately, 
religion  was  delivered  by  a  higher  and  bet- 
ter power  than  a  state  tax,  with  an  enfranchise- 
ment that  was  far  more  noble  and  enduring. 
The  church  flourishes  best  when  she  does  not 
look  to  the  assistance,  whether  willing  or  unwil- 
ling, of  "the  sordid  and  the  seltish,  the  licen- 
tious and  i)rofane"  whom  it  was  hoped  by  this 
means  to  compel.  The  measure  though  failing 
in  1782  was  renewed  again  in  17s8,  being  fostered 
by  the  action  of  Governor  Paca  who  brought  the 
proposition  before  the  assembly.  The  church  re- 
garded the  establishment  of  peace  and  the  as- 
sured position  of  the  country  among  the  nations 
of  the  earth  as  a  tit  occasion  for  granting  state 
aid.  But  though  so  powerfully  supported,  again 
the  measure  en  me  to  nothing.  Though  such 
longing  eyes  looked  out,  and  such  hopeful  hands 
Avere  in  vain  extended,  yet.  all  of  the  clergy  were 
not  like  that  brother  who  in  1784  refused  to  at- 
tend a  church  convention  because  it  had  not  been 
summoned  by  state  authority. 

Through  ail  this  time  the  parishes  were  strug- 
gling to  sustain  themselves  ;  and  with  sufficient 
difficulty  to  please  everyone  who  might  have  re- 
membered with  aversion  their  abundance  in 
other  days.  The  common  recourse  was  to  join 
several  parishes  together,  with  service  on  different 
Sundays  ;  an  unfortunate  necessity  wherever    it 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  283 

prevails,  as  it  still  does  in  many  places.  For  ei- 
ther loyalty  is  wounded,  in  our  nieml)ers  going  off 
to  other  houses  of  worship  on  the  intervening 
Sundays,  or  devotion  is  cooled  l)y  their  idling  at 
home.  But  few  have  the  gace  to  occupy  the  day 
for  their  spiritual  profit  in  their  closets. 

Among  the  parishes  that  were  compelled  to 
have  recourse  to  this  means  for  support  was  St. 
James',  and  by  the  advice  of  the  vestry  we  find 
the  rector  assuming  to  his  care  All  Saints,  Cal- 
vert Co  Mr.  Magowan,  who  died  in  1784,  was  at 
that  time  performing  this  double  duty,  and  his 
successor,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Thos.  John  Claggett,  who 
became  rector  in  1786,  Aug.  1st,  gave  his  care  and 
attention  to  the  same  extensive  field.  This  gen- 
tleman who,  while  still  rector  of  St.  .lames  in 
1792,  was  elected  to  the  episcopate  of  Maryland, 
had  jn-eviously  held  various  parishes,  on  all  of 
which  he  doubtless  made  a  strong  imj^ression. 
For  he  was  a  man  of  marked  force  of  character, 
and  along  with  his  learning,  he  was  exact  and 
business  like  in  his  engagements  and  transac- 
tions ;  one  of  those  men  that  in  a  crisis  prove  of 
permanent  and  enduring  value  to  the  enterprise 
in  which  they  are  engaged.  So  as  afterwards  in 
diocesan  matters,  it  was  now  in  parochial  concerns. 
Everything  was  done  decently  and  in  order  ;  but 
besides  he  was  able  to  enkindle  in  the  parish  he 
occupied  for  the  six  years  after  1780,  a  deep  in- 
terest in  all  general  churcli  affairs,  making  that 
parish  to  be  a  fair  representative  of  the  best  pa- 
rochial life  of  the  day. 

He  was  first  chosen  for  three  years,  and  was 
afterwards  reelected  three  several  times  for  one 
year  each,   probably  l)y  his  own  preference  for 


284  CHURCH  LIFE 

such  a  short  term.  This  election  for  a  limited 
term  was  then  the  nniversalcnstom,  begotten  doubt- 
less by  the  unfortunate  experience  of  the  colonial 
times  when  a  man  inducted  could  defy  all  au- 
thority to  remove  him.  Tneact  of  1779  provided 
for  the  election  of  rectors  for  limited  terms,  as 
well  as  does  that  of  1798  still  in  force.  The 
prevalence  of  the  contrarj^  custom  is  the  result 
i)i  the  fact  that  the  clergy  can  in  the  vast  ma- 
jority of  cases,  be  trusted  ;  that  the  old  method 
of  electing  annually  took  away  from  the  inde- 
pendence and  selfrespect  of  the  minister,  who 
became  so  far  an  annual  applicant  for  the  suf- 
frage of  the  j^eople,  the  question  of  his  tenure 
entering  into  every  election  of  vestrymen  ;  and 
and  also,  that  the  highest  welfare  of  the  parish 
is  promoted  by  the  long  continued  residence  of 
the  pastor. 

But  if  the  people  provided  for  their  own  pro- 
tection, the  clergy  in  some  instances  were  watch- 
ful to  provide  for  theirs,  and  could  not  be  induced 
to  enter  upon  the  duties  of  a  rectorship  until  they 
had  every  guarantee  that  their  salary  Avas  well 
secured  ;  for  there  were  a  good  many  promises  to 
j)ay  which  were  never  realized  by  the  parsons. 
Dr.  Claggett  was  one  of  this  careful  sort,  and  be- 
fore he  would  enter  upon  the  rectorship,  we  iind 
this  among  the  parish  records:  ''Ordered  that 
the  Register  write  to  Mr.  Thomas  John  Claggett 
informing  him  that  the  following  gentilemen  of 
the  vestry,  viz  :  Mr.  John  Hall,  Mr.  Ezekiel  Gott. 
Mr.  Benjamin  Burgess,  Capt.  William  Weems, 
and  one  private  gentileman,  Maj.  Richard  Chew, 
had  left  their  obligations  with  the  Register  which 
obligations  are  to  be  delivered  to  the  said  Clao-^ett 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  285 

on  his  obligating  himself  to  tlie  vestry  for  his 
l>erforniance  for  three  years.  The  other  gentile- 
men  of  the  vestry  promise  on  their  honour  that 
they  will  do  everything  in  their  power  to  make 
np  the  remaining  part  of  the  sallery." 

In  consequence  of  this  communication,  the  fol- 
lowing agreement  was  drawn  up  and  signed  :  "St. 
James  parish,  July  21st,  178G,  at  a  vestry  met 
and  held  in  the  vestry  room  of  the  said  parish  by 
the  vestrymen  thereunto  legally  authorized  and 
aiipoin*^ed  on  the  day  and  year  above  Avritten, 
ju-esent  Col.  John  Weems,  "jJohn  Hall,  Ezekiel 
Crott,  Richard  Harrison,  Benjamin  Burgess,  Capt. 
"\Vm.  Weems,  and  Zechariah  Childs,  church  war- 
den. The  Rev.  Doct.  Thomas  John  Claggett  ap- 
pears and  agrees  to  officiate  in  the  aforesaid  par- 
ish church  every  other  sabbath  and  to  perform 
all  the  accustomed  duties  of  the  said  parish  for 
three  years  unless  jirevented  by  sickness  or  other 
unforseen  casualty. 

For  and  in  consideration  of  the  above  services 
the  vestry  do  herelw  license,  induct,  constitute 
and  appoint  him,  the  said  Thomas  John  Claggett 
(Doc.  in  Divinity)  rector  of  the  said  parish,  and 
give  him  the  free  use  and  enjoyment  of  all  and 
every  the  glebes  and  their  apj^urtenances,  to- 
gether with  the  exclusive  right  to  the  pulpit  i]i 
the  parish  church,  and  all  otlier  privileges,  im- 
munities and  advantages  which  any  minister  of 
this  parish  ought  to  enjoy  :  This  agreement  to 
continue  and  be  in  full  force  for  and  during  the 
term  of  three  years,  to  commence  from  the  first 
day  of  August,  1786,  unless  death,  sickness  or 
any  other  unforseen  accident  should  cause  the 
said  Claggett  to  vacate  the  parish,  and  in  that 
case  only  it  shall  be  null  and  void.'' 


^86  CHURCH  LIFE 

To  this  writing:  is  ai)X)ended  tlie  name  of  Dr. 
Claggett  only.  Why,  as  it  was  a  letter  of  induc- 
tion and  appointment  his  name  only  was  signed 
does  not  appear.  The  Sjiirit  of  the  old  times  had 
evidently  not  departed,  and  while  parson  and 
people  conld  resj^ect  and  love  each  other,  as  they 
evidently  did,  yet  they  had  great  confidence  nin- 
tnally  that  business  conld  not  be  done  in  too 
regnlai'  and  careful  a  way. — an  example  it  would 
be  well  for  both  clergy  and  vestries  now  to  folloAv 
more  frequently  than  they  do.  In  consequence 
of  this  particularity  Dr.  Claggett' s  rectorship  was 
peaceful  throughout  and  he  was  able  to  wield  a 
large  power  for  usefulness.  Also  he  was  able  to 
stimulate  the  people  to  give  great  attention  to 
the  general  affairs  of  the  church  both  in  the  dio- 
cese and  also  in  the  country  at  large.  Fortu- 
nately he  found  men  in  the  vestry  who  had  suffi- 
cient intelligence  and  devotion  to  the  church  to 
make  them  take  great  interest.  He  was  doubt- 
less in  congenial  company,  and  being  a  resident 
in  the  parish  he  had  constant  opx:)ortunities  to 
make  his  influence  permanent.  How  much  St. 
James'  x)arisli  owes  to  his  residence  in  it  at  this 
time  it  would  be  impossible  to  say. 

One  of  the  first  su])jects  brought  to  the  consid- 
eration of  the  churchmen  of  Maryland  in  those 
days  was  the  rights,  inherent  and  necessary,  that 
belonged  to  the  church.  This  question  had  l^een 
first  agitated  in  1783  when  it  had  been  proposed 
in  the  legislature  of  the  state  to  appoint  ordainers 
for  the  ministry ;  a  strong  testimony  of  the  at- 
tachment of  the  people  to  the  former  establish- 
ment, along  with  a  marvelous  ignorance  of  the 
very  first  princi2:)le  of  its  true  position.     This 


IN  COL  ONI  A  L  MA  R  YLA  ND.  287 

proposition    was    of    course     immediately    and 
successfully  resisted  by  the  church  clergy,  one  of 
whom    was    publicly    heard    before   the    house 
uiK)n  the  measure.     The  fact  that  such  a  propo- 
sition   could   be    made,    however,    alarmed   the 
church  and  so  at  a  meeting  of  a  convention  held 
at  Anaapolis  in  August  in  the  j^ear  above  given 
"Certain  fundamental  Rights  and  Liberties   of 
the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  of  Maryland" 
were  distinctly  declared.     This  convention  it  will 
also  be  remembered,  elected  Dr.  William  Smith 
to  the  Eidscopate,  though  for  certain  reasons  he 
was  never  consecrated.     This  declaration,   how- 
ever, of  rights  and  liberties  was  not  at  that  time 
submitted  to  the  vestries,   because  though    the 
convention  that  passed  it  was  regarded  as  valid, 
yet  things  were  still  in  an  inchoate  condition.    In 
17S8  there  a  was  general  review  of  past  action  and 
this  Declaration  along  with  certain  other   com- 
pleted acts,  as  canons  and  rules  Avere  sent  down, 
and  all  the  parishes  were  called  on  to  earnestly 
consider  them.     As  they  embraced  eminent  prin- 
ciples it  was  a  most  excellent  means  of  instruc- 
ting the  peoi)le.     These  rights  and  liberties  which 
it  Avas  felt  to  be  necessary  to  proclaim  to  tlie  Avorld, 
Init  especially  to  the  state   of  Maryland   under 
whose   "ccmstitution  and  form  of  government " 
the   church  was   existing,    were   enumerated   as 
follows : 

1st.  AVe  consider  it  as  the  undoubted  right  of 
the  said  Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  in  common 
with  other  christian  churches  undei'  the  Ameri- 
can revolution,  to  complete  and  preserve  herself 
as  an  entire  church  agreeably  to  her  ancient 
usages  and  professions,  and  to  have  the  full  en- 


288  CHURCH  LIFE 

joyment  and  free  exercise  of  those  purely  spiri- 
tual powers  which  are  essential  to  the  being  of 
every  church  or  congregation  of  the  faithful,  and 
which,  being  derived  only  from  Christ  and  his 
apostles,  are  to  be  maintained  independent  of 
every  foreign  or  other  jurisdiction  so  far  as  may 
be  consistant  with  the  civil  rights  of  society. 

2nd.  That  ever  since  the  reformation  it  hath 
been  the  received  doctrine  of  the  church  whereof 
we  are  members,  (and  which  by  the  constitution 
of  this  state  is  entitled  to  the  perpetual  enjoy- 
ment of  certain  property  and  rights  under  the 
denomination  of  the  church  of  England)  that 
there  be  these  three  orders  of  ministers  in  Christ's 
Church,  Bishops,  Priests  and  Deacons  ;  and  that 
an  Episcopal  ordination  and  commission  are  nec- 
essary to  the  valid  administration  of  the  sacra- 
ments and  the  due  exercise  of  the  ministerial 
function  in  the  said  church. 

3d.  That  without  calling  in  question  the  rights^ 
modes  and  forms  of  any  other  christian  church 
or  societies,  or  wishing  the  least  contest  with 
them  on  that  subject,  we  consider  and  declare  it 
to  be  an  essential  right  of  the  said  Protestant 
Ei3iscoi:)al  church  to  have  and  enjoy  the  oontinu- 
ance  of  the  said  three  orders  of  ministers  so  far 
as  concerns  matters  purely  spiritual,  and  that  no 
persons  in  the  character  of  ministers,  except  such 
as  are  in  the  commission  of  the  said  church,  and 
duly  called  to  the  ministry  by  regular  E]3iscopal 
ordination,  can  or  ought  to  be  admitted  into  or 
enjoy,  any  of  the  churches,  chajiels,  glebes,  or 
other  property  formerly  belonging  to  the  church 
of  England  in  this  state,  and  which  by  the  con- 
stitution and  form  of  Government  is  secured  to 


IN  COLONIAL  MAIU'LAKD.  289 

tlie  said  cliurcli  forever,  by  whatever  name  the 
said  churcli  or  her  superior  order  of  ministers 
may  in  future  be  denominated. 

4th.  That  as  it  is  the  rig-ht  so  it  Avill  be  the 
duty  of  the  said  church,  when  duly  organized, 
constituted  and  represented  in  a  synod  or  con- 
vention of  the  different  orders  of  her  ministry 
and  people,  to  revise  her  liturgy,  forms  of  prayer, 
and  public  worship  in  order  to  adapt  the  same  to 
the  late  Revolution  and  other  local  circumstances 
of  America  ;  which  it  is  humbly  conceived,  may 
and  will  be  done  without  any  other  or  farther 
departure  from  the  venera])le  order  and  beautiful 
forms  of  worship  from  whence  we  sprang,  than 
may  be  found  expedient  in  the  change  of  our 
situation  from  a  daughter  to  a  sister  church." 

This  copy  is  taken  from  the  l)ooks  of  St.  James 
parish,  on  which  the  vestry  had  had  it  spread 
because  it  was  regarded  as  of  such  great  impor- 
tance. That  the  document  was  important,  is 
evident  from  the  fact  that  after  an  interval  of 
live  years  from  its  passage  it  was  thought 
advisable  to  publish  it  again  a  second  time.  And 
it  was  important  because,  knowing  Episcopacy 
only  as  it  existed  in  England  where  immense 
prerogatives  were  enjoj^ed  by  the  Episcopal 
order,  and  where  the  lord  bishops  had  almost 
always  been  on  the  side  of  arbitrary  government 
and  had  used  their  power  for  the  rex)ression  of 
the  liberties  of  the  people,  the  citizens  of  America 
from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other,  stood 
in  dread  of  it ;  so  that  the  possibility  of  the 
institution  of  Episcopacy  was  one  of  the  chief 
causes  leading  to  the  Revolution.  The  order  as 
represented  in  the  x)ersons  and  office  of  Bishops 


290  CHURCH  LIFE 

Seabury,  White  or  Claggett,  was  sonietliing  of 
whicli  tlie  American  mind  liad  up  to  this  time 
formed  no  idea.  The  church  in  South  Carolina, 
it  will  be  remembered,  was  glad  to  be  enrolled 
among  the  dioceses  of  the  land,  only  it  did  not 
want  a  Bishop. 

It  was  against  this  prejudice,  therefore,  at  this 
time  the  church  in  Maryland  was  x»i'<>viding  for 
herself.  She  was  determined  to  secure  the 
episcopate  and  had  taken  the  first  step  in  1783, 
she  dreaded  to  have  her  altars  invaded,  as  Avell  as 
her  property  possessed  l)y  those  whom  she  couhi 
not  look  upon  as  duly  ordained.  She  feared 
those  proposed  to  be  appointed  by  the  state  as 
ordainers  to  the  ministry,  and  she  dreaded  lest 
the  body  of  enemies  who  surrounded  her  and 
whom  she  had  in  other  days  done  little  to  con- 
ciliate, should  be  able  to  seize  on  some  lapse  of 
hers,  as  the  change  of  her  name,  or  the  change 
of  her  liturgy,  to  dei:)rive  her  of  the  possession 
of  her  churches,  chapels,  or  other  devout  bene- 
factions of  her  children  in  other  days  for  the 
support  of  her  ministry.  How  far  there  was 
reason  for  that  fear  is  questionable.  With  her 
declaration,  however,  her  rights  were  preserved  ; 
how  far  it  was  l)y  it  we  do  not  know.  Certainly 
the  state  of  Maryland  looked  with  favor  on  the 
church  in  Maryland,  as  was  ])roven  when  the 
legislature  admitted  a  clergyman  to  argue  a 
church  question  before  it  and  then  decided 
according  to  his  argument.  That  the  great 
powerful  organization  of  1770  should  have  been 
cotnpelled  in  ]7no  to  put  forth  such  a  document 
suggests  a  contrast  that  excites  our  sympathies. 
It  was  a  change,   however,   out  of  which  noble 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  291 

fruits  were  in  time  to  grow.  Her  hesitation 
about  her  name  and  that  of  "her  superior  order 
of  ministers"  which  was  expressed  in  1783,  was 
to  be  forgotten  in  the  church's  strongly  pro- 
nounced views  and  claims  of  the  days  to  come. 

If  the  church,  however,  was  so  bold  in  declar- 
ing her  rights  and  lil)erties  she  was  not  ready  to 
be  quite  so  bold  in  acting  up  to  her  declaration: 
for  in  1783  we  hnd  her  appealing  to  the  legis- 
lature of  the  state  for  privilege  to  change  her 
name  and  adapt  her  liturgy  as  well  as  to  secure 
for  herself  the  means  of  perpetuating  her  minis- 
try. To  make  this  appeal  may  have  been 
partly  the  result  of  former  training  and  partly 
fear  of  jeopardizing  her  property  secured  to  her 
as  the  church  of  England.  -  But  whatever  the 
cause,  the  fact  was  felt  by  others  to  be  un- 
necessary, and  the  attemxit  was  looked  upon 
Avith  jealousy  as  in  some  way  an  endeavor  to 
secure  state  recognition  for  the  church.  The 
contest  that  arose  was  bitter,  but  the  appeal  of 
the  church  was  favorably  received  by  the  assem- 
bly. This  was  in  May,  and  it  was  in  the  August 
following  that  the  declaration  of  liberties  was 
made  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  William  Smith  elected  to 
the  Episcopate. 

Another  document  of  great  interest  issued  at 
this  time  was  a  declaration  of  "certain  funda- 
mental x>i'iiipipl^^  '*t'  the  Protestant  Ei)is('()pal 
Church  of  Maryland, &c."  In  it  the  church  labor- 
ed to  minimize  her  positions,  to  assert  as  little  as 
Avas  possible  ;  these  principles  being  rather  as 
X>ostulates  which  were  to  be  the  basis  of  the  leg- 
islation which  she  saw  to  be  necessary,  and  which 
she  would  as  soon  as  mia'ht  be  enact.     It  will  be 


293  CHURCH  LIFE 

remembered  that  the  dioceses  had  at  first  to  act 
for  themselves,  and  legislation  was  necessary  in 
them  which  was  afterwards  delegated  to  the  Gen- 
eral Convention ;  also  in  the  earlier  conventions 
of  Maryland  down  to  and  including  those  of 
1783,  only  clergy  had  sat.  In  1784  lay  delegates 
were  present,  and  their  approval  became  neces- 
zary  to  all  acts  passed.  It  was  at  this  time  this 
declaration  of  ''certain  fundamental  principles'" 
was  made  to  regulate  and  control  the  relations  of 
the  various  orders  in  the  church  among  them- 
selves.    These  principles  are  as  follows  : 

"1st.  None  of  the  orders  of 'the  clergy,  whether 
Bishops,  Priests  or  Deacons,  who  may  be  under 
the  necessity  of  obtaining  ordination  in  any  for- 
eign state  with  a  vtew  to  officiate  or  settle  in  this 
state,  shall,  at  the  time  of  their  ordination,  or  at 
any  time  afterwards,  take  or  subscribe  any  obli- 
gation of  obedience,  civil  or  canonical,  to  any  for- 
eign power  or  authority  whatsoever,  nor  be  ad- 
missible into  the  ministry  of  this  church  if  such 
obligation  have  been  taken  for  a  settlement  in  any 
foreign  country,  without  renouncing  the  same  by 
taking  the  oaths  required  by  law,  as  a  test  of 
allegiance  to  this  state. 

"2nd.  According  to  what  we  conceive  to  be 
true  apostolic  institution,  the  duty  and  office  of  a 
Bishop  differs  in  nothing  from  that  of  other 
priests  except  in  the  power  of  ordination  and 
confirmation,  and  in  the  right  of  precedency  in 
ecclesiastical  meetings  or  synods,  and  shall 
accordingly  be  so  exercised  in  this  church  ;  the 
duty  and  office  of  Priests  and  Deacons  to  remain 
as  heretofore ;  and  if  any  further  distinctions 
and  reo'ulations  in  the  different  orders  of  the 


IX  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  293 

ministry  should  afterwards  be  foTind  necessary 
ior  the  good  government  of  the  chnrch,  the  same 
shall  be  made  and  established  by  the  joint  voice 
and  authority  of  a  representative  body  of  clergy 
and  laity  at  future  ecclesiastical  synods  or  con- 
ventions. 

'•3d.  This  third  section  is  intended  to  define 
or  discriminate  some  of  the  separate  rights  and 
powers  of  the  clergy  and  was  proposed  and 
agreed  to  as  follows,  viz. :  that  the  clergy  should 
be  deemed  adequate  judges  of  the  ministerial 
commission  and  authority  which  is  necessary  to 
the  due  administration  of  the  ordinances  of 
religion  in  their  own  church,  and  of  the  literary, 
moral  and  religious  qualities  and  abilities  of 
persons  lit  to  be  nominated  and  appointed  to  the 
different  orders  of  the  ministrJ^  But  the  ax)- 
proving  and  receiving  of  such  persons  to  an  3^ 
particular  cure,  duty  or  parish  when  so  nomi- 
nated, appointed,  set  apart,  consecrated  and 
ordained,  is  in  the  people  who  are  to  support 
them  and  to  receive  the  beneiit  of  their  ministrj^" 

These  principles  were  the  outgrowth  of  the 
time,  and  have  all  lieen  more  or  less  modified  as  the 
feelings  and  circumstances  of  those  days  have 
changed.  For  the  church  feared,  and  doul)tless 
Avitli  reason,  that  its  every  act  and  position 
were  watched  with  jealousy,  a  perfectly  legiti- 
mate state  of  mind  when  we  remember  the  old 
times  before  the  Revolution  just  closed,  and 
what  political  position  so  many  of  the  clergy  had 
assumed  during  the  war.  So  the  first  principle 
in  regard  to  allegiance  to  any  foreign  poAver. 
Some  of  the  clergy  on  the  breaking  out  of  hostili- 
ties or  before,  had  gone  back  to  England,   but 


294  CHURCH  LIFE 

many  liacl  simply  surrendered  their  parishes  and 
discontinned  their  ministry.  Tiie  whole  body, 
was  therefore  under  suspicion.  Also  the  infant 
state  was  exceedingly  sensitive,  and  did  not  yet 
know  whom  to  trust,  and  consequently  the  oath 
of  allegiance  continued  for  many  years  to  be 
generally  imposed.  Also,  various  persons,  a 
number  from  Maryland,  were  going  abroad  for 
ordination,  and  it  was  doubtful  what  they  would 
have  to  submit  to  if  they  would  succeed. 

For  these  reasons  this  XOTnciple  was  enunciated; 
but  as  time  has  since  gone  on  the  postulate  ha& 
been  so  far  modified  or  ignored  as  that  not  only 
is  such  oath  of  allegiance  no  longer  required,  but 
citizens  of  a  foreign  state  are  found  in  some 
instances  in  possession  of  parishes.  Even  the 
vestry  act  of  1798  did  not  embody  this  principle 
though  the  oath  was  required  of  persons  elected 
vestrymen. 

And  so  in  regard  to  the  second  proposition, 
that  according  to  "true  apostolic  institution  the 
duty  and  office  of  a  bishop  differs  in  nothing 
from  that  of  other  priests  except  in  the  power  of 
ordination  and  coniirmation,  and  in  the  right  of 
precedency  in  ecclesiastical  meetings  or  synods, 
and  shall  accordingly  be  so  exercised  in  this 
church."  This  was  an  overwhelming  renuncia- 
tion of  that  scheme  of  Episcopal  2>rerogative 
which  was  such  a  bug-bear  in  the  American  mind. 
It  is  denied  that  they  are  a  separate  order,  but 
are  associated  with  •' other  priests,"  to  whom 
only  certain  additional  functions  have  been 
assigned.  There  are  no  rights  of  their  order 
that  place  them  outside  of  or  above  the  law. 
There    are   no   fatherly   prerogatives   by   which 


nV  COL  ONI  A  L  MA  R  YLA  XI).  205 

eitlier  priests  or  peo^ile  become  to  tliHiYi  as  chil- 
dren. The  right  to  ordain  and  conlirm,  and 
l»recedency  in  synods  are  theirs — notljing  more. 
A  wonderhil  contrast  with  tlie  functions  of  tlieir 
order  as  exeirised  by  his  Lordshij).  Archbisho]) 
Laud,  who  stood  out  in  the  American  mind  as 
tlie  end)odinient  of  ecclesiastical  enormity,  though 
(mly  the  strong  representative  of  his  class  and 
order. 

But  a  Bishop  is  a  good  deal  more  than  such  a 
functionary  as  our  fatiiers  would  have  made  liim. 
Americans  are  still  riglit  jealous  of  any  ''i)rero- 
gatives"  that  a  bishop  may  be  disposed  to  assert, 
and  our  wisest  bi.shops  are  very  chary  of  assert- 
ing such,  but  he  is  the  father  among  his  j^eople; 
his  intlu*-nce  is  powerful  in  his  diocese  ;  accord- 
ing as  he  expresses  desires,  preferences  or  inten- 
tions will  the  policy  of  his  diocese  become:  while 
his  animadversions  and  rebukes,  whether  against 
men  or  measures  will  be  dreaded.  The  office  has 
been  found  of  too  lofty  an  origin  and  its  necessary 
functions  too  high  and  holy  to  allow  our  farhers' 
"fundamental  principle"  to  iilace  (•i"im[)iiig  limi- 
tations upon  it. 

The  third  ])rinci])le  was  also  an  adaptation, 
though  from  a  different  stand[)oint;  for  while 
the  other  principles  were  for  the  purpose,  in 
large  measure,  (^f  conciliating  the  people,  tliis 
was  for  the  purpose  of  defending  the  rights  of 
the  clergy  in  a  point  where  those  rights  were 
threatened.  And  so  its  object  as  stated:  "to 
define  or  discriminate  some  of  the  separate  rights 
and  powers  of  the  clergy."  Formerly  under  the 
establishment  the  laity  had  nothing  to  do  but 
accept  the  rector  appointed  to  their  i)aris]i  and 


2%  CHURCH  LIFE 

make  the  best  of  him.  Afterwards,  towards  the 
close  of  the  Revolution,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
laity,  as  assembled  in  the  state  legislature,  con- 
sidered the  x^roposition  of  appointino'  ordainers 
to  the  ministry.  The  clergy,  therefore,  in  1784 
felt  that  right  views  concerning  their  prerogatives 
were  in  danger,  and  so  this  x^rinciple.  They 
would  discriminate  or  deiine  their  sejiarate 
rights  and  jiowers.  The  rights  of  the  laity  were 
of  course  recognized,  that  it  was  for  them  to 
receive  or  not  any  minister  into  a  parish.  But 
the  claimed  as  their  own  the  right  to  determine 
upon  ''the  ministerial  commission  and  authority 
which  is  necessary  to  the  due  administration  of 
the  ordinances  of  religion  in  their  own  church, 
and  of  the  literary,  moral,  and  religi(ms  qualities 
and  abilities  of  persons  ht  to  be  nominated  to 
the  different  orders  of  the  ministry."  They 
insisted  that  that  power  belonged  to  them,  as 
being  by  divine  right  custodians  of  their  own 
order.  And  the  laity  rex>resented  in  the  conven- 
tion, recognized  the  principle  as  sound,  and  it  is 
one  that  has  controlled  the  church  in  Maryland 
from  that  day  to  this  ;  though  for  a  while,  in  the 
enactment  of  canons  at  this  time  it  would  appear 
that  this  exclusive  right  of  the  clergy  over  their 
own  order  was  allowed  to  fall  into  abeyance. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  in  Connecticut,  and 
particulai'ly  in  the  person  of  Bishop  Seabury, 
there  was  an  indisposition  to  admit  the  laity  into 
church  c<^>nveiitions,  nor  was  it  a  thing  which 
English  clergymen  were  familiar  with — the  direct 
influence  of  tlie  lait}^  ceasing  with  their  power  in 
parliament.  Such  admission,  however,  was 
necesssary  in  America,   and  was  very  soon  uni- 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  207 

versally  recognized.  But  Maryland  claims  the 
principle  and  acts  on  it,  that  the  clergy  have 
entire  right  over  their  own  order,  and  so  she 
alone,with  Connecticut,  has  a  standing  committee 
composed  entirely  of  clergymen,  because  one  of 
the  chief  functions  of  that  standing  committee 
is  to  pass  upon  "the  literary,  moral  and  religious 
qualities  and  abilities  of  persons  to  be  nominated 
and  aj^pointed  to  the  different  orders  of  the 
ministry.''  Also  although  the  laws  under  which 
that  committee  are  to  act,  are  passed  by  a  con- 
vention composed  of  both  clergy  and  laity,  yet 
the  principle  is  saved  and  exemplihed  by  the 
large  discretion  that  is  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
members  of  that  committee.  And  churchmen 
are  lighting  against  their  true  principles  when 
they  attempt  to  limit  the  freedom  of  that  discre- 
tion. Such  a  committee  should  have  "jDower" 
entrusted  to  it  outside  and  above  all  conventions, 
vestries  and  all  other  bodies  wherein  laymen  may 
sit.  So  only  can  we  be  true  to  this  fundamental 
principle. 

But  Maryland  shows  her  consistency  with  this 
principle  in  another  of  her  acts,  her  ecclesiastical 
court.  She  was  not  always  consistent,  as  we  shall 
see  presently,  but  right  thinking  attained  its  end 
when  that  court  was  instituted  and  made  to  con- 
sist only  of  clergymen.  This  was  a  point  that 
Bishop  Seabury  was  earnest  for,  that  the  right  of 
trial  of  clergymen  should  be  only  in  the  hands  of 
the  clergy,  the  power  of  deprival  where  the  power 
of  ordination  rests,  and  Maryland  reached  it  af- 
ter a  while  ;  liecause  true  church  principles  as 
such  have  been  at  the  root  of  Maryland  action. 
It  is  observable  that  the  two  dioceses  that  have 


298  CHURCH  LIFE 

been  strictest  in  tlieir  adherence  to  this  '*  limda- 
mental  principle"  are  the  two  whose  ratio  of 
conminnicants  to  the  population  today  stands  the 
highest. 

Another  point  insisted  on  at  this  time  was  that 
there  slionld  be  annual  meetings  of  the  conven- 
tion, a  symbol  and  manifestation  of  jiower  that 
must  have,  to  the  clergy  of  that  convention  in 
1784,  contrasted  most  agreeably  with  the  time 
when  the  word  of  a  dissolute  lordling  could  for- 
bid thnir  meeting  together  for  Clod's  work.  And 
yet  only  eiglit  years  had  intervened!  Tndy  it 
was  freedom  ! 

One  of  the  first  thoughts  of  the  church  in  Ma- 
ryland after  the  enunciation  of  her  rights  and 
principles,  was  the  question  of  disci])line,  the 
power  to  administer  which  having  been  the  great 
demand  from  the  beginning.  The  many  attempts 
that  had  been  made  to  secure  some  effective 
agencj''  for  this  purpose  will  here  be  remeuibered, 
attempts  that  on  account  of  the  jealousy  of  one 
or  other  party,  had  always  proven  abortive,  the 
church  rejecting  the  mixed  court  that  the  state 
would  erect,  and  the  state  and  the  people  refusing 
to  allow  a  Bishop  or  the  delegati(m  of  sufficient 
power  to  a  commissary.  Now  the  church  had 
the  power  herself,  and  by  a  marvelous  inconsis- 
tency she  embodied  the  principle  in  her  legisla- 
lion  that  she  had  always  contended  against,  and 
which  was  in  direct  contravention  of  her  own 
above  recorded  principles.  For  as  Bishop  Sea- 
bury  stated,  the  power  of  deprival  can  only  be 
lodged  legitimately  in  the  hands  that  have  the 
power  of  ordination,  which  is  wdiat  the  church 
in  Maryland  had  always  said,  when  contending 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  29!) 

against  a  mixed  court.  They  wanted  a  Bishop 
for  discipline  as  the  only  legitimate  and  effective 
means. 

And  yet  one  of  the  first  acts  finally  passed 
upon  in  1788,  entitled  "  Additicmal  constitutions 
or  rales  respecting  the  discipline  and  government 
of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  church  in  Maryland," 
sets  out  with  the  statement  that  the  "  Creneral 
Convention  of  this  church  (in  Maryland)  consis- 
ting of  the  different  orders  of  the  clergy  and 
laity  duly  repi'esented,  shall  have  the  general 
cognizance  of  all  affairs  necessary  to  the  disci- 
pline and  good  gorernment  of  the  church,  in- 
cluding particularly  the  power  and  authority 
necessary  for  reclaiming  or  excluding  from  church 
privileges  scandalous  members,  whether  lay  or 
clerical,  and  all  jurisdiction  with  regard  to  offen- 
ders, the  power  of  susj^ending  or  dismissing 
clergymen  of  all  orders  from  the  exercise  of  their 
ministry  in  the  church.'' 

Also  by  the  second  of  these  constitutions  it  was 
aiipointed,  that  '' Future  conventions  shall  frame 
and  establish  rules  or  canons  for  receiving  com- 
plaints, and  shall  annually  appoint  a  committee 
consisting  of  an  ecpial  number  of  clergy  and 
laity,  (including  the  Bishop  when  there  shall  be 
one  duly  consecrated  among  the  number  of  the 
clergy)  which  committee  shall  have  standing  au- 
thority, government,  and  jurisdiction  (agreeable 
to  such  rules  as  may  be  given  for  that  purpose) 
in  all  matters  respecting  the  discipline  and  gov- 
ernment of  the  church  that  may  arise  or  be  nec- 
essary to  be  proceeded  upon  during  the  recess  or 
adjournment  of  general  conventions."  This  term 
''general   convention"    is   probably  used  as   in 


300  CHURCH  LIFE 

contradistinction  from  the  meetings  of  the  super- 
intending and  outstanding  committees,  each  of 
which  was  composed,  but  especially  the  latter, 
of  a  large  numl)er  of  persons. 

For  agreeably  to  the  above  provision,  by  the 
fourth  of  the  rules  of  1788,  there  was  ordered 
' '  A  standing  committee  consisting  of  hve  clergy- 
men and  the  like  number  of  laymen,  of  each 
shore,  the  clerical  members  to  be  chosen  by  the 
clergy  and  the  lay  members  by  the  laity,  in  an- 
nual convention.  Their  duty  shall  be  to  corres- 
X3ond  with  like  committees  throughout  the  states 
and  execute  the  authorit}^  given  them  by  the  sec- 
ond additional  constitution  as  above  inserted." 
By  the  ninth  and  tenth  rules  also,  we  have  the 
method  of  proceeding:  "Disorderly,  scandalous 
and  immoral  conduct,  neglect  of  duty  or  a  disre- 
gard to  the  canons  or  rules  of  the  church,  are  of- 
fences for  which  a  clergyman  may  be  brought  to 
trial  ;  to  which  end  apx)lication  shall  be  made 
by  the  accuser  to  the  president  for  the  time  be- 
ing, who  shall  without  delay  call  together  the 
standing  committee  to  meet  at  a  convenient  place 
on  the  shore  where  the  accused  person  r*^sides ; 
a  majority  of  whom,  both  as  to  clerical  aud  lay 
members,  shall  have  authority  to  inquire  into 
the  charge  or  charges  in  the  j^resence  of  both 
parties,  and  having  heard  the  evidence,  shall  pro- 
ceed to  state  and  report  the  facts  to  the  next  con- 
venti(m,  who  having  heard  whatever  may  be  of- 
fered by  either  of  the  parties  in  further  evidence, 
shall  proceed  to  pronounce  such  sentence  as  they 
may  think  the  offence  deserves  ;  provided  that 
no  sentence  exceed  reproof,  suspension  or  dismis- 
sion ;    and   that   if    any   accusation    is    brought 


IW  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  301 

against  tlie  president,  application  may  be  made 
by  the  accuser  to  one  clerical  and  lay  member  of 
the  standing  committee,  who  shall  have  the  same 
powers  of  calling  the  committee  which  are  hereby 
given  to  the  j^resident  in  other  cases." 

"  No  vestryman  shall  sit  on  the  examination  or 
trial  of  a  minister  belonging  to  the  parish  where 
such  vestryman  resides.  Complaints  against  a 
clergyman  shall  be  received  from  the  vestry  of 
the  parish  where  he  officiates,  and  from  no  other 
person  or  persons  whatsoever.  They  shall  be 
signed  by  a  majority  of  the  vestry  and  church 
wardens,  without  which  no  complaints  shall  be 
received,  &c..  Arc." 

Into  such  loose  views  of  the  true  relations  of 
the  church  and  her  clergy  had  Maryland  at  that 
time  come.  AVhat  was  the  caijse  we  do  not  know, 
how  far  the  clergy  had  become  derelict,  how  far 
there  were  crying  evils  alu'oad,  how  far  they  were 
merely  bowing  to  the  jealousies  of  the  laity  who 
dreaded  an  exercise  of  inherent  i)rerogative  in 
any  class,  or  how  far  they  were  providing  for  a 
state  of  things  that  did  not  exist.  Certainly 
however,  the  law  was  not  found  to  work  well. 
It  did  not  bring  the  clergy  to  trial,  so  that  Bishop 
Claggett  had  bitterly  to  bewail  the  condition  of 
things  in  some  instances  where  the  vestry  would 
not  institute  proceedings.  Vestrymen  were  known 
to  refuse  to  complain  against  their  i^astors, what- 
ever grievance  they  thought  they  were  enduring. 
The  law  was  erroneous  in  fact  also,  for  it  will  be 
found  that  the  clergy  are  more  jealous  for  the 
uprightness  of  their  order  than  the  laity  are. 
These  will  gossip  about  clerical  delinquences,  but 
go  no  further;  while  the  clergy  feel  every  delin- 


«03  CHUB VII  LIFE 

qnency  a  stain  on  their  holy  order  that  ought  to 
be  removed,  however  long  suffering  they  may 
feel  disposed  to  be. 

A  superintending  committee  was  at  the  same 
time  appointed,  tive  members  for  each  shore,  to 
whom  the  general  duty  of  supervision  of  the 
church  in  the  diocese  was  committed.  They 
were  to  visit  the  parishes,  dividing  them  amongst 
themselves.  Also  they  had  charge  of  candidates 
for  orders,  to  ascertain  their  fitness.  Also  to 
them  was  assigned  the  duty  of  receiving  clergy- 
men entering  the  diocese,  and  no  vestry  or  con- 
gregation could  receive  any  minister  unless  he 
was  able  to  present  the  testimonial  from  the 
superintending  committee  of  their  shore,  that  he 
had  conformed,  to  the  law. 

This  was  the  provisional  arrangement  of  things 
in  Maryland  as  tihally  instituted  in  1788,  and 
with  all  its  faultiness  it  was  effective  to  tide  the 
"society''  over  its  then  depressed  condition. 
There  was  not  a  great  deal  of  backbone  then  dis- 
XDlayed  in  various  quarters;  the  sturdiness  of 
Bishop  Seabur}"  was  not  a  general  property,  as  is 
seen  in  the  provisional  arrangement  suggested  by 
Doctor,  afterwards  Bishop  White.  This  arrange- 
ment wdiicli  he  advanced  in  his  x)amplilet  of 
]782,  "The  case  of  the  Episcopal  Church  consid- 
ered'' in  which  an  episcoj^al  Church  wdthout 
episcopacy  w^as  thought  for  the  time  being  avail- 
able, was  something  that  found  reponse  in 
various  quarters.  "Ordainers  for  the  ministry," 
were  proposed  in  Maryland,  and  South  Carolina 
wanted  the  Episcopal  Church  without  a  Bishop. 
Nowhere  did  the  church  thoroughly  understand 
herself  or  know  her  true  position,  save  maybe  in 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  WS 

New  England  and  New  York  where  the  clergy 
had  hold  on  more  vigorous  ideas.  Everywhere, 
howevei-,  she  was  working  towards  a  knowledge 
of  her  true  self  which  was  reached  cleaiiy  after 
many  days.  May  the  Almighty,  her  Lord,  ever 
preserve  her  in  this  knowlege. 


Turning  now  l)rietiy  to  })arochial  affairs,  there 
are  a  few  things  to  note  before  we  close  our 
Images.  One  of  these  is  the  fact  that  this  is  the 
time  when  the  fine  parish  libraries  of  Maryland, 
not  always  extensive  in  numbers,  but  excellent 
in  quality,  began  to  be  scattered.  Efforts  were 
made  to  recover  them,  but  failed,  and  they  were 
lost  one  by  one  by  tailing  into  hands  that  could 
not  appreciate  them,  and  were  allowed  to  be 
destroyed.  'J'he  vestry  no  longer  performed  its 
functi(m  of  "visiting"  them,  and  possibly  the 
the  rectors  no  longer  stood  in  dread  of  suit  if 
they  neglected  the  charge.  There  are  many 
volumes  in  existence,  and  every  now  and  then  an 
old  book  comes  to  light  fi'om  its  hiding  jjlace  in 
some  out  of  the  way  garret.  Some  are  still  safe 
in  the  library  of  St.  John's  College,  Annax)olis, 
but  in  all  other  places,  the  folios,  quartoes,  and 
octavos  are  things  of  the  past  with  Init  little 
superior  to  them  to  take  their  place. 

The  world  has  been  a  good  deal  disturbed 
within  the  last  twenty  hve  years  upon  the  subject 
of  altar  cloths,  they  being  regarded  as  emble- 
matical of  false  and  strange  doctrine,  just  like 
the  sur[)lice  was  regarded  as  a  '"rag  of  popery." 
But  like  as  in  the  matter  of  the  sur[)lice,  the 
church  in  adopting  altar  ch)ths  only  went  back 


304  CHURCH  LIFE 

to  old  tilings.  For  in  1791  we  find  in  St.  James' 
parish  that  ''Dr.  Claggett  rex)orted  to  this  vestry 
that  the  vestry  of  All  Saints'  Parish,  Calvert  Co., 
had  three  yards  of  purple  broadcloth  for  sale, 
which  he  thought  would  suit  for  a  communion 
cloth,  and  hangings  for  the  ]3ulpit  in  this  parish 
church,  and  that  the  price  of  the  same  was  one 
guinea  a  yard.  The  vestry  directed  the  doctor  to 
purchase  the  same."  Nor  was  it  only  in  that  kind 
of  embellishment,  for  we  find  a  church  in  Prince 
George's  County  adorned  with  a  painting  over 
the  Holy  Table.  Our  views  doubtless  have 
expanded  beyond  theirs,  and  ornamentation  is 
developed  in  a  way  that  would  make  them  wonder 
could  their  eyes  be  opened  in  one  of  our  modern 
temples;  but  the  root  of  the  matter  was  there  in 
very  distinct  form.  Also  we  hear  of  a  few 
organs,  and  one  parish  in  1763  levied  two  thou- 
sand pounds  of  tobacco  to  pay  the  organist. 

The  church  in  Maryland  has  almost  entirely 
lost  her  hold  upon  the  colored  people.  In  some 
of  the  more  out  of  the  way  parts  of  the  state  they 
are  still  found  to  attend  her  services,  especially 
upon  notable  occasions,  and  in  some  places, 
though  very  few,  chapels  have  been  erected  for 
them.  But  in  all  districts  nearer  the  great  centers 
where  they  are  in  frequent  intercourse  with  the 
people  of  the  cities,  their  ambition  seems  to 
have  been  excited,  and  now  for  many  years,  since 
long  before  their  emancipation,  they  have  with- 
drawn from  the  church  entirely.  They  desired 
to  have  their  own  institutions,  to  regulate  their 
own  concerns,  may  be  to  gratify  their  emotional 
temperament,  and  their  masters  gave  them  leave. 

During  the  colonial  period,  however,  and  after- 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  805 

wards  this  was  not  so,  but  the  slave  knelt  at  the 
same  table  with  his  master.  In  St.  James' 
Parish  in  179(»  we  find  Dr.  Claggett  giving  a  list 
of  the  communicants,  and  out  of  the  total  of 
sixtj-(me  we  find  thirteen  "Black  Brethren;'' 
and  in  1791  we  find  the  same  "Black  Communi- 
cants" applying  to  the  vestry  for  a  "piece  of 
ground  on  the  church  glel^e  adjoining  the  north- 
east corner  of  the  church- yard,  for  a  burying 
place  for  the  said  l)lacks  and  their  descendants,i.' 
which  was  granted.  This  may  be  to  many  a 
revelation  of  the  condition  of  the  slave  at  that 
time  in  Maryland.  Appended  to  the  list  of  com- 
municants as  thus  given,  is  the  following  note : 
"Our  worthy  brethren,  Edward  Tillard  and 
Walter  AVatson,  members  of  our  society  and 
other  congregations,  were. present  and  communi- 
cated with  us  this  day." 

Dr.  Claggett' s  rectorship  of  St.  James'  was  a 
great  blessing  to  the  parish  by  the  force  of  the 
same  qualities  that  afterward  made  his  e^nscopate 
a  blessing  to  the  diocese  of  Maryland.  A  strong, 
vigorous  intellect  and  clear  common  sense  always 
distinguished  him,  and  fitted  him  in  the  eyes  of 
all  that  came  in  contact  with  him,  for  leadership. 
His  interest,  too,  in  everything  tliat  concerned  the 
welfare  of  the  church  in  the  commonwealth  at 
large,  had  early  been  manifested,  and  his 
thoughtful  attention  to  these  things  is  noAvhere 
so  strikingly  exemplied  as  in  the  records  of  the 
parish  over  whose  counsels  he  presided  and 
whose  deliberations  he  guided.  His  forecast 
also  of  the  future  needs  of  his  diocese,  is  seen  in 
the  impression  which  doubtless  he  created  in  the 
vestry,  of  the  necessity  for  more  than  one  Bishop 


306  CHURCH  LIFE 

for  Maryland.  This  was  in  1790  when  after  the 
convention  held  that  year  in  Easton,  the  minis- 
ters and  church  wardens  were  admitted  to  seats 
in  the  vestry.  The  effect  also  of  his  rectorship 
was  permanent;  for  from  his  day  the  i^arish  was 
marked  by  a  deep  active  interest  in  all  that 
concerned  the  church's  welfare. 

It  is  x^ainful,  however,  to  remember  that  the 
church' s  greatest  depression  had  not  been  reached 
when  he  assumed  the  exnscopate  in  1792,  either 
i5i  his  old  parish  or  in  the  diocese  at  large.  Ma- 
ryland was  to  see  darker  days  than  even  these. 
The  diocese,  notwithstanding  his  labors,  was  to 
decline  in  its  clerical  force,  doubtless  because  in 
all  the  parishes  the  ability  of  the  people  to  sup- 
j)ort  the  holy  work  declined.  They  were  hours 
of  sadness,  and  anxiety  about  existence  ;  while 
also  as  an  active  cause  of  depression,  the  great 
Methodist  movement  that  began  at  this  time  to 
show  the  elements  of  its  vigorous  power,  carried 
off  some  of  the  choicer  spirits  among  even  the 
more  ilifluential  people,  together  with  a  large 
part  of  the  multitudinous  poor  who  had  never 
been  taught  to  love  the  church.  The  schism  was 
the  more  easily  accomplished  because  church 
]3rinciples  had  never  been  duly  understood,  and 
because,  it  is  to  be  feared,  the  memory  of  the  old 
slanders  was  in  too  many  instances  sedulously 
fostered. 

Between  his  death,  however,  in  1816  and  this 
present  time,  a  period  that  one  life  spans,  what 
mighty  changes  have  been  wrought  in  Maryland 
and  throughout  the  land.  The  little  one  has  be- 
come a  thousand  and  the  small  one  a  strong  na- 
tion.    The  Lord  has  hastened  it  in  his  time.     For 


JN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  807 

there  is  still  living  one,  and  there  have  but  re- 
cently passed  away  several,  who  remember  Bishoj) 
Claggett's  venerable  form  and  appearance,  espe- 
cially on  that  solemn  day  when  he  returned  to 
his  old  parish  to  minister  for  the  last  time,  and 
when  the  mortal  illness  seized  him  that  soon  se- 
cured for  him  his  eternal  rest. 

The  old  parish  of  St.  James,  doubtless  a  type 
of  many  in  Maryland,  is  truly  crowded  with  sac- 
red memories,  that  hang  about  the  sanctuary 
where  holy  men  have  ministered  and  holy  saints 
have  in  their  hearts  and  with  their  voices  com- 
muned, and  that  hang  no  less  about  the  habita- 
tions of  the  dead  that  encompass  the  sanctuary. 
For  it  was  a  tine  thought  and  a  sacred  desire  that 
made  our  fathers  in  the  long  time  past  choose 
the  church  yard  where  their  remains  might  lie. 
When  the  Angel  of  God  comes  to  call  tliis  chil- 
dren home,  and  the  earth  yields  up  its  dead, 
there  will  be  no  place  so  litting  for  that  Avaking 
hour  as  that  spot  where  in  the  llesh  our  incense 
of  |)rayer  and  x^raise  had  ascended  up  on*higli. 


308  CHURCH  LIFE 


AUTHORITIES  USED. 


Original  Records  of  St.  James  Parisli,  A.  A.  Co. 

Maryland  Mss.  from  Archives  of  Fnlliam. 

Gov.  Sharpe's  letters  in  Ms.  (copy.) 

Character  of  the  province  of  Maryland,  Alsop. 

Early  Friends  in  Maryland,   Norris. 

Life  "of  Geo.  Fox,  vol.  II. 

Anderson's  Colonial  Church  History. 

Records  of  Piscataway  i^arish,  Md. 

Eddis'  Letters. 

Grahaixie's  Colonial  History  of  the  U.  S. 

Bancroft's  History  of  U.  S. 

Parish  Histories  in  Ms.  Dr.  Allen. 

Histor}^  St.  Anne's  parish,  Dr.  Allen. 

History  of  Maryland,  Dr.  Allen. 

Hawk's  Ecclesiastical  Contributions,  vol.  II. 

History  of  Maryland,  McMahon. 

History  of  Maryland,  Bozman. 

Founders  of  Maryland,  Neill. 

The  Fouudati<mof  Maryland,  Gen.  B.  T.  Johnson. 

Narrative  of  a  voyage  to  Maryland,  Father  White. 

Records  of  the  English  Province,  S.  J.  Md.  letters. 

Laws  of  Maryland,  Bacon. 

Archives  of  Maryland,  Md.  His.  SoC. 

History  of  the  Clmrcli  of  England,  Perry. 


IN  COLONIAL  MARYLAND.  80!) 

Protestant    Episco])al   Cliuirli    in   U.    S.    of   A. 

Spencer. 
Sliort's  History  of  the  Church  of  England. 
Ranke's  History  of  the  Popes. 
The  Hngnenots  in  France  after  the  Revocation, 

Smiles. 
Short  History  of  the  English  People,  Green. 
History  of  England,  Macauley. 
History  of  England.  Knight. 
The  Lords  Baltimore,  Morris. 
Notes  on  Virginia  Colonial  Clergy,  Xeill. 
AVeniock,  Chistison,  &c.,  Sam.  Harrison. 
Historical  Sermon.  Rev.  W.  C.  Butler. 
Oration  of  Gen.  Charles  E.   Phelps,  Baltimore's 

one  hundred  and  iiftieth  anniversary. 
Parish  Institutions  of  Maryland,  E.  Ingle. 
Early  Journals  of  the  conventions  of  Maryland. 
Articles  on  early  American  chnrch  history,  J.  Y. 

Lewis,  I).  D. 
Life  of  Bishop  Claggett,  J.  N.  Norton,  D.  I). 
John  Adams   the    Statesman   of    the   American 

Revolution,  Hon.  M.  Chaml^erlain. 


CONTENTS. 


CONTENTS 


Act  concerning  Religion, — fi — 112. 
Arcliitectuie  in  the  colony, — G8. 
Anne,  Queen, — 129. 
Alms-basin,— 170. 
Adorning  the  altar, — 170. 
Adams,  Rev.  Alex. — 25(5. 
Allen,  Rev.  B.— 263. 
Additional  Constitutions, — 2119. 
Altar-clotli,— -^04. 

Baptism  of  Slaves, — 28. 

Bray,  Rev.  Dr.  —52. 

Bishop,  efforts  to  secure,- 52— 81  — 242— 267. 

Boundaries  of  St.  James  Parish, — 63. 

Bertraiid,  Rev.  Paul,— 67. 

Butler,  Bishop,— 136. 

Baltimore,  Lord,  the  colony  restoicd  to,— 143. 

Blnsphemy,  law  of  1723,-113—167. 

Bacon,  Rev.  Thomas,— 179. 

Bachelors  taxed,— 210— 234. 

Boston,  suffereis  by  tire  in, — 45 — 221. 

Boucher,  Rev.  Mr  ,—229—251. 

Conditions  of  Plantation, — 12. 


CONTENTS. 

Coode,  Rev.  Jolm,— 12. 
Camisards,— 22.— 
Convict  emigrants,— 38— 127— 207. 
Copley,  Gov.,— 48. 
Commissary,  office  of,— 52. 
Chapels  of  Ease,— 56. 
Constables,— 75. 
Counters  of  tobacco,— 101. 

Commutation  of  currency,— 101. 

Convocation  suspended,— 130. 

Clergy,  their  condition  in  England,— 132. 
their  social  status,— 133. 
of  Maryland,  supporters  of  prerogative,— 153. 

Church  Missionary  Society,— 111. 

Colebatch,  Hev.  Mr..— 153. 

Charles,  the  sixth  Lord  Baltimore,— 155. 

Ceremonial  in  Ya.,  in  1724,-166. 

Communicants, — 185. 

Chase,  Rev.  Mr.— 187. 

Cohabiting,— 195. 

Chandler,  Rev.  Dr.,— 216. 

Coventry  parish,— 216. 

Clergy  forbidden  to  asseml)le,— 218-245. 

Churches  built,— 228. 

Contract  for  St.  James'  church,— 230. 

Claggett,  Rev.  Dr., -284-285-304. 

Convention,  annual  meeting  of,— 298. 

Division  of  parishes,— 56— 99— 148. 

Donations,— 94. 

Difficulties  between  clergy  and  laity,— 98. 

Ducking-stool,— 122. 

Dulany,  Dan.,— 217. 

Donatives,  parishes  said  to  be,— 243. 

Declaration  of  Rights.— 254. 

Endowments,  church,— 13. 


CONTENTS. 

Establisbmeiit  of  the  church, — 18. 

Act  of —24— 154— 248. 
•'  good  etfccts  wrought  out  by, — 33 

Ecclesiastical  court —80— 154— 244— 299. 
Enquiries  of  1717,-87—165. 
Evangelical  school, — 137. 
Education  in  the  colony, — 163. 

Fires,  none  in  churches, — 120 — 197. 

Free  schools, — 163. 

French  war,  effects  of, — 207. 

French  Canadians, — 211. 

Frederick,  Lord  Baltimore,— 212— 267. 

Fundamental  rights  and  liberties, — 287. 

Fundamental  principles, — 291 

Glebes,— 94— 95. 

Gibson,  Bishop  of  London, — 181. 

Hammond, — 10. 

Herring  Creek  parish, — 67. 

Hall,  Bev.  Henry,— 77. 

Hart,  Governor, — 81. 

Henderson,  Rev.  Jacob, — 85 — 155. 

Induction,  forms  of,— 77— 158— 159— 188— 262— 366. 
Interlocutory  Judgment  of  Council, — 192. 
Intruders  punished, — 258. 

Jesuit  Fathers,  Records  of,— 9— 13. 

'•  "         Take  up  lands — 11. 

"      Missionaries, — 143 
Jones,  Rev.  Hugh,— 71— 166. 

Kent  Island,  Settlement  of, — 8 
Kidnapping,- 39. 

Labadists, — 45. 

Libraries,  Parish,— 53— 91— 95— 303. 


CONTENTS. 

Loudon's,  Bishop  of,  Authority, — 79. 
Library  of  St.  James'  Parisli,— 104. 
Liciilor,  use  of, — 123. 
Lang,  Rev.  .Tohn,— 188— 303. 
Lake,  Rev.  Charles,— 223-335. 
Laity  in  Churcii  Conventions, — 290. 

Moje,  Henry, — 9. 

^leelianics  in  the  Colony, — 71. 

Mulatto  Chiklreu,  Property  of  the  Clergy,— 72— 125. 

Money  From  Sale  of  Mulatto  Children  and  Mothers,— 72. 

Methodists,— 137. 

Magowan,  Rev.  Walter, — 260. 

Negroes,  not  Baptized, — 163. 

"        Disturb  the  White  People  at  Churcli,— 198 
"         Communicants, — 199 — 305. 

Organization  of  Ihe  Parish, — 61. 

Oaths  taken  by  Vestrymen, — 64 — 334 — 376. 

Ogle,'C4overnor,— 184— 223. 

Oftertory,— 194. 

Ordain ers  to  the  Ministry, — 386. 

Protestant  Catholics,— 9. 

Population,— 15— 35— 134— 185. 

Protestant  Revolution, — 15. 

Popish  Plot,— 33. 

Puritans, — 41. 

Pulpit  Cushion,— 73. 

Pew  Locks, — 74. 

Priest?,  Roman,  Good  Intluence  of,— 137. 

Plate,  Inventory  of, — 303. 

Proclamation  act, — 341. 

Parishes  at  the  Revolution, — 350 — 256. 

Petition  to  the  Legislature  in  1780, — 280. 

Quakers,  Population, — 33 — 42. 


CONTENTS. 

Quakers  of  Peimsylvauia,  Missiouaiy  to  be  sent  to,— 58. 
"        Good  Influence  of, — 127. 
"        Descendants  of.  Indemnified  in  Mass., — 140. 
Spirit  of,— 144. 

Revolt  of  1681,— 14. 

Revocation  of  Edict  of  Nantes, — 14 — 21. 

Repairs  on  Cliurches,  tax  for, — 102. 

Ratio  of  Protestants  to  Roman  Catholics, — 40. 

Roman  Catholics,  Treatment  of,— 114— 110— 209. 

Slaves  in  Maryland, — 28. 

Settlers  in  Maryland,  from  whence, — 36. 

"        Majority  of  the  first  Protestant,— 40. 
Slave  Trade,— 39— 177. 
School  System  of  1696, — 51. 
Service,  Silver  Communion, — 73. 
Seymour,  Governor, — 80. 
Scepticism  in  the  Colony, — 93 — 167 — 180. 
Sabbath  Breaking, — 113. 
Stocks  and  Whipping  Post,— 114— 196— 233. 
Stole  and  Surplice,— 126— 166— 234. 
Seeker,  Archbishop.— 132— 206. 
Swift.  Dean,— 133. 

Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel, — 141. 
Salaries,  Reduction  of,— 149— 215. 
School  Master  for  Sale,— 165. 
Sharpe,  Governor,— 213— 221— 243. 
Select  Vestries,  275. 
Standing  Committee,— 297— 300. 
Superintending  Committee, — 302. 

Toleration  in  1648,-10. 
Toleration,  English  Act  of, — 26. 
Taney,  Mary,— 13. 
Taxables,— 28. 
Tobacco,  its  Varying  Price, — 56. 


coNTEirrs. 

Tobacco,  Amount  Limited, — 109. 

Talbot  and  Welton,  Bisbops,  iu  Marylnml, — 156. 

Tustian,  Rev.  Peter,— 158. 

Tindal,— 179. 

Terret's,  JSTicbolas,  will,~200. 

Urqubart.  Rev.  .Tobn,— 171. 

Vestry,  Functious  of, — 29, 

"      Fined,— 170. 

"       Ordered  to  Report  to  Council, — 194. 

"       Act  Agitation, — 248. 
Visitation,  Dr.  Bray's,  at  Annapolis, — 57. 
Violence  Toward  Clergy,— 154. 

Wbitcs's  Father,  Narrative,— 8. 

Women,  wliite  with  mulatto  children, — 71. 

Walpole,  Sir  R.,— 130. 

Wesley,  Rev.  Sam.,— 13G. 

Wesley,  Rev.  John  and  Charles,— 186— 177, 

Whitfi"eld,-136— 177. 

War,  seven  years, — 204. 

War,  thirty  years, — 14. 

White,  Bishop,— 302. 

Yeo,  Rev.  John, — 13. 

Yale  College,  agitation  on  Episcopacy, — 141. 


DATE  DUE 


ESliSo.on,a,  Maryland. 

Pnnceton  Theological  Semm_ary-Speer  bbrary 


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